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John Owen (1616 – 1683)

John Owen

1616–1683

He came by it honestly. His father (the last of 15 children, all sons) longed so to see a corrupt church reformed that his zeal was labelled “Puritan”, the badge that son John would wear for decades and adorn with his gifts.

Owen was born in the village of Stadham, Oxfordshire, to a thoughtful couple who “home-schooled” their precocious youngster before sending him on to high school and thence, at age 12, to Oxford. At the university Owen applied himself to mathematics and philosophy, with time allowed for music lessons as well. (Years later, when he was chief administrative officer of Oxford, he appointed his flute-instructor as professor of music.)

While Owen immersed himself in his studies (permitting himself no more than four hours sleep per night), a campus figure loomed menacingly before him whose approach set the tone for so much of what Owen would have to contend with for the rest of his life. Archbishop Laud, chancellor of Oxford and implacable foe of all that the English Reformers had initiated; Laud decided to rid the university of all who wouldn’t assent to his anti-gospel agenda. Deliberately he enacted religious innovations that he knew reform-minded students could never assent to, and then used their non-assent as a pretext for expelling them. Those who were slow to leave he “encouraged” by means of his infamous “Star Chamber” and “High Commission”. The Commission dragooned suspects before the London Chamber, the venue for ruthless, arbitrary, arm-twisting interrogation without appeal. Laud watched a heartbroken Owen stumble out of the university where he had spent nine glorious years wedded to the love of his life: learning.

Meanwhile Laud’s master, King Charles I, was outraging millions with his contempt for parliament and his illicit forays into money-raising. Civil war irrupted.

In the midst of it all a spiritually-disoriented young man trudged miles to a chapel to hear its celebrated preacher. The fellow was absent that day. The substitute preacher announced the text, “Why are you afraid, O men of little faith?” (Matthew 8:26). By sermon’s end Owen knew the peace which does pass understanding since it is given in the midst of turbulence within and without. The Lord whom he had spent years fleeing but couldn’t escape had finally freed him by taking him captive. Thereafter Owen persistently sought — but never found — the name of the man whose message had been the lens focusing the light of God to the point of penetration.

Soon Owen was cheerfully at work as a pastor and diligently at work as a scholar-writer as the first of 27 dense tomes emerged from the point of his pen.

January, 1649, saw the trial and execution of Charles I for treason, tyranny and murder. Summoned to preach to parliament in April, Owen expounded “On the Shaking of Heaven and Earth”. (Hebrews 12:27) Here he caught the eye of Oliver Cromwell, leader of the parliamentary forces in the civil war. Cromwell discerned in Owen not merely the superb scholar but also the consummate administrator. In no time Owen was vice-chancellor of Oxford University, the position that managed all university affairs. Executive skill was needed here as academic rigour had declined, many member-colleges had closed, others were quartering soldiers and supplies, and money was scarce; in fact the university was colossally in debt. Owen cut short the petulant self-pity of college heads as he declared, “…groans become not grave and honourable men. It is the part of an undaunted mind boldly to bear up under a heavy burden.” Soon the university rebounded, internationally-acclaimed professors were appointed, needy students were subsidized, and one penniless fellow who wrote Owen in brilliant Latin was hired as the household’s tutor! In it all Owen sat on Cromwell’s committees, wrote theology the world will never be without, and even became a member of parliament.

When a parliamentary majority proposed making Cromwell king, Owen wrote the brief that dispelled the proposal. Angry now, Cromwell appointed his son, Richard, as Chancellor of the university. In six weeks Richard had removed Owen. With no trace of bitterness but only much magnanimity Owen moved to a village congregation.

In 1660, following Cromwell’s death, the monarchy was restored. Once again Puritans were proscribed. An Act made it illegal for more than five Puritans to meet in their own place of worship. Owen’s pulpit disappeared and his flock scattered. In 1662 another Act (it gave rise to “The Great Ejection”) rendered 2000 Puritan pastors homeless and penniless. They travelled by night and preached by day to handfuls of the faithful in barns and fields. Another Act rewarded informers for betraying them.

Prison populations were swelling and emigrant ships “sardining” their human cargo when the plague settled on London. The clergy of the Established Church fled to avoid infection, while Puritan ministers stepped forward self-forgetfully to succour the dying and the surviving. In the large cities newly-formed congregations cherished their newly-found pastors — as yet another Act outlawed any Puritan pastor who was found within five miles of a city or within five miles of any place he had preached in previously. Relegated now to remote rural areas, they returned to London when “The Great Fire” consumed church buildings that disappeared as quickly as large, Puritan-built, wooden tabernacles arose. Owen himself returned to London and, with upheavals everywhere, penned his most trenchant diagnostic tool of the human heart, Sin and Temptation. Steadfast, he remained in London even as parliament re-endorsed the earlier Acts outlawing Puritans.

The day before he died Owen wrote, “I am leaving the ship of the church in a storm; but whilst the great Pilot is in it, the loss of a poor under-rower will be inconsiderable.”

Others knew better. The Sunday following Owen’s death his successor, Rev. David Clarkson, lamented, “We have had a light in this candlestick. We did not sufficiently value it.”

Do we? The light that streamed from the Puritans was — and is — nothing less than invaluable.

Victor Shepherd
April 1997

 

Thomas Watson (c. 1620 – 1686)

Thomas Watson

c. 1620 — 1686

Two decades ago my mother gave me Watson’s A Body of Divinity as a birthday gift. The book introduced me to the Puritan genius: mind and heart — the dialogue between theological learning and spiritual experience. Soon I had moved from Watson’s many volumes to the works of other Puritans, such as Richard Baxter, John Owen and Jonathan Edwards. I was awed at the prodigious output of men who preached several times each week, called on every family in the congregation (at which time they reviewed the family’s knowledge of scripture and catechism), and still managed to write thousands of pages by candlelight and oil lamp.

While the 16th Century Protestant Reformers knew they had to forge doctrine that did justice to the truth and reality of God’s search-and-rescue mission in Jesus Christ, the 17th Century Puritans knew the doctrine they had inherited was sound. Instead they were charged with applying doctrine; they made sin-infected hearts writhe under the scalpel of the gospel even as the same hearts, relieved of “pollution”, began to be whole.

Impressed by their ability and industry, I was overwhelmed by their capacity for suffering. The Church of England, enforcing ecclesiastical uniformity as a tool of political unity, persecuted them ruthlessly. In “The Great Ejection” of 1662 thousands of Puritan clergy were expelled from pulpit and manse, their families reduced to poverty as they scrabbled to feed their children. These men slept in barns, crept through fields, preached to clandestine congregations hastily assembled in a remote meadow or clump of trees before informers could betray them.

Thomas Watson was a Puritan giant. Surprisingly, then, his birthdate remains unknown. It is known, however, that he studied at Emmanuel College, Cambridge University. One hundred years earlier Cambridge University had been the site of electrifying gatherings of divinity students whom “Lutheran” ideas had newly seized and who would shortly find themselves leaders and martyrs in the English Reformation. Emmanuel College had long cherished its reputation as the “nursery” of those for whom the gospel was dearer than life.

Following his studies, Watson was ordained a Church of England clergyman and appointed to a large congregation in London. Soon he spoke and wrote in the typically Puritan idiom: pointed, poignant, pithy, and therefore always memorable. Ponder “The eye is made both for seeing and for weeping. Sin must first be seen before it can be wept for.” To read this sentence but once is never to forget it. Little wonder, then, that those who read others like it find their imagination lit up for the rest of their lives. “Such as will not weep with Peter shall weep like Judas.” Plainly either we must come to “godly grief” (2 Cor. 7:10), owning our inexcusable sin, or we are going to lament our having forfeited the One who could have been our Saviour. Watson’s condensation, “Such as will not weep…” is as haunting as it is indelible.

Sixteen years after he had begun his work in London, the government passed the Act of Uniformity. Since this Act mandated that all pronouncements and practices of the state church be adhered to (however unscriptural), many aspects of it contradicted Puritan convictions. Unable to endorse the Act, Watson had nevertheless always been loyal to the crown. Unlike virtually all his fellow-Puritans, he had protested the execution of King Charles I; and unlike them too he had supported Charles II. There was nothing seditious about him. Still, he refused to countenance a diluted gospel and a stifled conscience. His congregation, distressed at his eviction, listened in anguish to his farewell sermon from 2 Corinthians 7:1: “Having therefore these promises, dearly beloved, let us cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God.” Soon he too was preaching as often as his outlaw existence permitted. A few years later the government’s Act of Indulgence rescinded the strictures of the Act of Uniformity, and Watson “surfaced” in London where he ministered once more for several years, until he was found dead on his knees.

While Watson had many peers as a “heart specialist”, he had no betters. Exquisitely gifted with laser-like penetration of our innermost self, he could pierce layer after layer of self-deception, only to conclude with indisputable wisdom: “Christ is never loved till sin be loathed.” “Trust not in a passionate resolution; it is raised in a storm and will die in a calm.”

Were critics to pronounce Watson “negative” or “pessimistic” he would remind them that all real cures begin with accurate assessments. He would also point out that since God himself has said, “I the Lord search the mind and try the heart” (Jeremiah 17:10), the psalmist’s plea makes perfect sense: “Search me, O God, and know my heart! Try me and know my thoughts! And see if there be any wicked way in me, and lead me in the way everlasting.” (Psalm 139:23)

And yet to think Watson one-sidedly self-critical is to misrepresent him. He exulted in a salvation known and enjoyed now, and he insisted that the Christian’s manifest joy is as contagious as it is profound: “Cheerfulness is a perfume to draw others to godliness. As there is a seriousness without sourness, so there is a cheerfulness without lightness.” Realistically he recalled that love for God is never idle: “it sets the head a-studying for God, the feet a-running in the ways of his commandments.”

Watson’s caution sobers thoughtful Christians: “The sins of the wicked pierce Christ’s side; the sins of the godly go to his heart.” His wisdom strengthens us: “Trust him [God] where you cannot trace his footsteps.” And his conviction of God’s promise reassures us of a safe journey home: “You are called, and therefore are sure to be crowned.”

The Puritans were expert diagnosticians of the human condition. While the Jesuits, thanks to the Spiritual Exercises of their founder (Ignatius Loyola) have helped Roman Catholics for 450 years to come to terms with the ravages and rationalisations of sin, Protestants have in Puritan thinkers those soul-physicians from whom they, and the whole church with them, will continue to profit until all Christ’s people are “found by him without spot or blemish.” (2 Peter 3:14)

 

John Bunyan (1628 – 1688)

John Bunyan

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1628 – 1688

It was his blind daughter Mary, a teenager, who upset him most when he was in prison. Day by day she groped and stumbled her way to the jail where her father was to spend thirteen years, supplementing the wretched prison fare with whatever food she could carry. Bunyan was haunted by what might befall her in a cruel world. If he died in prison, who would look out for her? How could a penniless blind woman survive?

Already the shock of his sudden imprisonment had caused his wife Elizabeth to miscarry. Seeing his agitation, prison authorities informed him that he need not remain in jail; in fact, he could go home that afternoon. All he had to do was sign a paper promising never to preach again. Immediately he knew what he head to do: he had been called to preach and would no nothing else.

John Bunyan was born at Elstow, near Bedford, England. When only sixteen he was conscripted for the Parliamentary (that is, the anti-Royalist) Army in the English Civil War. The Parliamentary Army included many soldiers and officers of the Puritan persuasion. Two sermons were preached to the men every Sunday (plus another on Thursday!), while scripture reading and prayers customarily began the soldier’s work-day. A twelve pence fine was assessed any soldier found swearing. (Bunyan’s vocabulary, at this time, contained little else.)

In the unforeseeable providence of God, it was while he was an unbeliever, hostile to the Christian faith and rendering enforced military service, that Puritan tenets began to seep into his mind and heart. He became convinced of the authority of scripture, the need for holy living, the centrality of preaching in worship, and God’s sovereign ordering of life. Seeds were sown which later brought for the fruit in profusion.

Discharged from the Parliamentary Army, Bunyan returned to the family trade of tinker. (Tinkers were blacksmiths who worked in assorted metals from heavy iron to kitchen cooking utensils.) One morning, looking as usual for business from homemakers, he came upon three or four poor women who were resting briefly from their domestic responsibilities. Bunyan sidled closer and found them talking earnestly to each other. “They talked of how God had visited their souls with his love in the Lord Jesus. . . .” Bunyan later reported. “They spake as if joy did make them speak . . . they were to me as if they had found a new world.” And so they had.

The women were members of the Puritan Free Church of Bedford. Its pastor, John Gifford, had been an officer-physician in the Royalist (anti-Puritan!) Army. Grace had subsequently overwhelmed this notorious blasphemer, drunkard and gambler. He gave up his medical practice in Bedford to become the first pastor of the Nonconformist congregation. Under the threefold influence of the women, the pastor, and Luther’s commentary on Galatians, the tinker was forged into that force whose name would become known throughout the English-speaking world.

Bunyan’s ministry unfolded just as the Royal Restoration of 1660 rendered illegal all worship not conducted according to the forms of the Church of England. In no time Bunyan was arrested and sentenced. Prison conditions were unspeakable. Yet it was in prison that his preaching and counselling brought salvation and comfort to scores of men whose bleak prospects were otherwise unalterable. It was also in these most trying circumstances that he produced at least nine books! (He wrote more than sixty.)

Upon his release from prison he drafted the masterpiece which was to be a trophy of Puritan thought and a classic of English literature. Who will ever forget the characters from Pilgrim’s Progress? Mr. Talkative; Mr. Formalist; Mr. Ready-to-Halt; Judge Hategood; even the young woman, Dull. Not to mention Giant Despair, who lurked near the Slough of Despond and Doubting Castle. (Release from the Castle was secured only as Christian used the Key of Promise.)

Courageous in the face of social and political harassment, Bunyan exemplified the apostle Paul’s “in any and all circumstances” (Phil. 4:12), for while in prison he upheld the gospel at the same time as he made thousands of bootlaces to support his family. Rightly distinguishing between the core of the gospel (which cannot be compromised) and church practices (which admit of different interpretations), Bunyan refused to take sides in the denominational wrangle over believers’ versus infant baptism. He insisted that faith alone rendered one a Christian, and faith was sufficient to endear Christians to each other and make them welcome at each other’s communion table.

In August, 1688, he began a forty-mile ride on horseback from Bedford to London. An icy rain drenched him. In two days he was delirious with pneumonia. Within two weeks he was dead.

Bunyan’s remains are buried in Bunhill Fields, London, surrounded by the remains of the other saints. John Owen, the greatest Puritan intellect; Isaac Watts, the finest English hymnwriter; William Blake, poet; Susanna Wesley, mother of John and Charles.

Bunyan’s influence is inestimable. By 1692 one hundred thousand copies of Pilgrim’s Progress were in print. Today the book is found in over one hundred translations. When China’s Communist government printed two hundred thousand copies as an example of Western cultural heritage, the printing sold out in three days.

While Bunyan lacked almost all formal education, his English was singularly precise, fluid and expressive. What accounts for it? Robert Browning, the poet, offered this explanation:

His language was not ours;
‘Tis my belief God spake;
No tinder has such powers.

 

Susanna Annesley (1669 – 1742)

Susanna Annesley

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1669 — 1742

“Children, as soon as I am released sing a psalm of praise to God”, whispered the seventy-three year old mother of the Wesleys minutes before she died. Five of her children were present. She had had nineteen, ten of whom had survived infancy. The most famous would be John (fifteenth) and Charles (eighteenth). A large family was nothing new to her. The day she was baptized her father had written a friend that Susanna was the most recent of “twenty-four or a quarter of a hundred, I am not sure which”. (The latter estimate was correct.)

Susanna’s spiritual and intellectual formation was rich. Her father was a learned puritan clergyman whose home welcomed a stream of puritan preachers, scholars and writers, among whom were Thomas Manton (his Works comprised twenty-two volumes) and John Owen, the ablest theologian among the puritans and at one time the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University.

In 1662 The Act of Uniformity decreed that all clergy must conform to all beliefs and practices of the Church of England. Two thousand refused, and were expelled from pulpit, parsonage and university during “The Great Expulsion”. John Bunyan (author of Pilgrim’s Progress) was imprisoned. Others scrabbled to feed their dependents, teaching school or preaching clandestinely whenever and wherever they emerged from hiding.

Little wonder that Susanna horrified her parents when she was only twelve as she announced that she was returning to the Church of England! (Subsequently she wrote down her reasons for doing this, but her documents were destroyed in the Epworth rectory fire of 1709, the blaze in which six-year old John narrowly escaped perishing with his mother’s papers.)

One year later at her sister’s wedding she met nineteen-year old Samuel Wesley. He too was moving from Dissent back to the Church of England even though his father had been fatally mistreated during The Great Ejection. (His father had died at forty-two during his fourth imprisonment.) In 1688 Samuel and Susanna were married. The marriage was troublous. Samuel, chronically in debt, kept his family in financial hardship; in addition he fancied himself a poet and scholar, deflecting time and energy and preoccupation to entirely forgettable poetry and a Latin commentary on the book of Job which consumed twenty-five years. Not surprisingly Susanna wrote, “I think we are not likely to live happily together”.

One day Samuel noticed that Susanna did not say “Amen” to his prayers for the king. When asked to explain herself Susanna replied, “He (i.e., William of Orange) is no king; he is but a prince”. Susanna supported British royal descent; the Dutchman was an interloper. “If we are going to have two kings in this house then we shall have two beds”, fumed Samuel as he departed for London. Susanna insisted she would apologize if it could be shown where she was wrong; but to “apologize” insincerely for mere expedience would be a lie and therefore sin. An archbishop agreed that Samuel’s absence was a violation of his marriage vows (by now they had had fourteen children). Five months later Samuel returned home; the night he and Susanna were reconciled John was conceived.

Cherishing the rich puritan heritage of academic excellence Susanna set up a school in her home. Classes were held six hours per day, six days per week. “It is almost incredible what a child may be taught in a quarter of a year by a vigorous application”, commented Susanna, “…all could read better in that time than most women can do as long as they live”. The curriculum consisted both of academic subjects and of Christian instruction. The spiritual formation of her children was undertaken through her weekly private conversations with them all: “On Monday I talk with Molly, on Tuesday with Hetty, …on Thursday with Jacky (as she always called John).

Judging the sermons of Samuel’s assistant to be vacuous Susanna decided that whenever her husband was out of the pulpit the assistant’s feeble pronouncements should be supplemented by more nourishing fare. Whereupon she took it upon herself to read from a book of sermons to villagers who spilled out of her home on Sunday afternoons. (As a woman in the Church of England Susanna was not allowed to “preach”; nonetheless authorities deemed reading someone else’s sermon aloud in public to be acceptable!) Years later when John hesitated at allowing a layman to preach Susanna wrote, “That fellow is as much called as you are”.

Her influence upon John and Charles, and through them upon worldwide Methodists, is incalculable. While Methodism came to display its characteristic spirit, its unique style (outdoor preaching to huge crowds of the unchurched, for instance), and its special emphases (not least its conviction that God could do something about sin beyond forgiving it) Susanna was the conduit for the puritan riches which so largely formed the substance of Methodism. Like Deborah of old she was “a mother in Israel” (Judges 5:7) as she bequeathed to her sons and their heirs the wealth for which her foreparents had suffered unspeakably: the necessity for doctrine as a provisional statement of the truth of God, vigorously disciplined discipleship, the believer’s assurance of fellowship with Christ, intense concern for evangelism and pastoral care, veneration of the sovereignty of grace, insistence on “faith working through love”.

A few years before she died she had written John, “I have long since chosen him [i.e., God] for my only good, my all…”. The Holy One of Israel who had kept Deborah and Rachel, Ruth and Naomi, Elizabeth and Mary, Lydia and the unnamed woman who was a “mother” to the apostle Paul (Romans 16:13) proved sufficient to keep her as well.

Her remains are buried in the same cemetery as those of her puritan foreparents: John Bunyan, John Owen, and Isaac Watts.

Victor A. Shepherd
July 1993

 

Isaac Watts (1674 – 1748)

Isaac Watts

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1674 – 1748

The “father of the English hymn” was unusual in many respects. A short man (five feet tall), his sickly body was capped with a disproportionately large head. Virtually all portraits depict him in a large gown with large folds — an obvious attempt at having him appear less grotesque.

A working pastor, he wrote a textbook on logic that was used for decades at Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard and Yale.

He wrote a tome on metaphysics (the branch of philosophy that deals with “being”) even as his book of children’s poetry (the first such book to be published) went through 95 editions within 100 years of publication.

No other thinker has published a major work on astronomy as well as age-graded catechisms for youngsters (the first for five-year olds!).

His hymns have been translated into dozens of languages from Armenian to Zulu.

His voice was thin, and his recurring psychiatric illness (at times incapacitating him) was common knowledge; yet whenever he was well enough to preach crowds hung on words they knew to pour from a heart wrapped in the heart of God.

The eldest of eight children, Watts was born in troubled times. Dissenters (those who refused to conform to the established church) were not only denied access to the universities and suitable employment; they were also liable to prosecution and punishment for no greater “crime” than persistently worshipping God according to their conscience. Watts’s father, a Dissenter, was imprisoned one year after he was married. His wife gave birth while her husband was in jail. She regularly nursed the infant Isaac on the jail steps in the course of visiting her husband.

The youngster was plainly precocious. He had learned Latin by age four, Greek at nine, French at eleven, and Hebrew at thirteen. French was not usually studied in English elementary schools during the 1600s, but Watts was raised in Southampton, and Southampton was a city of refuge to hundreds of refugees who were fleeing persecution in France. The boy thought he should know French so that he could converse with his neighbours.

A physician recognized the teenager’s intellectual gifts and offered to finance his education at either Oxford or Cambridge. But regardless of his brilliance Watts would be admitted to either university only if he were willing to renounce the convictions that had exacted terrible suffering from his parents. He wouldn’t surrender conviction to expediency. As a result he went to a Dissenting Academy, the post-secondary institution for those barred from the universities. While completing his formal education he wrote much poetry, most of it in Latin.

In this era hymns weren’t sung in English churches. German Lutherans had been singing hymns for over 100 years. Calvinists in France and Switzerland, however, had not. Calvin had wanted his people to sing only the psalms of scripture. English Protestants of Calvinist parentage had adopted the practice of singing only metrical psalms in worship. These metrical arrangements were awkward (“But we remember will the name/Of our Lord God alone”), the mood was ponderous, the tone of the entire service dreary. One day Watts discovered he couldn’t endure any of it a minute longer. Returning from the service one Sunday morning he complained vehemently to his father about the stodgy psalm-singing that put people off worship. “Why don’t you write a hymn suitable congregational singing?”, his father challenged him. Throughout the afternoon Watts did just that, and at evening worship that day the congregation sang hymn #1, “Behold the glories of the Lamb”. Six hundred and ninety-six followed.

Not everyone thanked him. Some of his contemporaries complained that his hymns were “too worldly” for the church. One critic fumed, “Christian congregations have shut out divinely inspired psalms and taken in Watts’s flights of fancy!”. His hymns outraged many people, split congregations (most notably the congregation whose pastor, years earlier, had been John Bunyan, the author of an English classic), and got pastors fired. Still, the multi-talented thinker knew what his preeminent gift was and why he had to employ it.

Watts, like other hymn-writers of his era, wrote of God’s seizure of the human heart and God’s transmutation of our understanding. Yet Watts was unique in his emphasis on the backdrop of God’s intercourse with the human heart: the cosmos in its unspeakable vastness. Watts sees the drama of the incarnation and the cross, the dereliction and the resurrection, as seemingly small events that are in fact possessed of cosmic significance. Watts’s universe is simply more immense than anything other hymn-writers imagined. (Perhaps this is to be expected from an astronomer!)

Convinced of the immensity of God and immersed in the passion of God, Watts himself was possessed of the profoundest experience or God.

Turn, turn us mighty God,
And mould our souls afresh;
Break, sovereign grace, these hearts of stone,
And give us hearts of flesh.

By age 50 he was a national figure, esteemed now by Anglicans and Dissenters alike. John Wesley (an Anglican) had long acknowledged the genius, discipline and piety of Watts, and when Wesley came to publish his first hymn book, one-third of the its hymns were Isaac’s. An able theologian as well, he found 44 pages of his Ruin and Recovery in Wesley’s The Doctrine of Original Sin.

As unusual as he was in appearance, gifts, productivity and psychiatric history, Watts was not unusual at all in one important respect. Like all Christians this logician knew that God is to be loved with the mind, and therefore reason must never be discounted in the exercising of faith or the discipline of the Christian life. Yet he knew too that the mystery of God himself, while never irrational, is finally oceans deeper than anything reason can fathom.

Where reason fails,
With all her pow’rs,
There faith prevails
And love adores.

 

Victor Shepherd 

 

Griffith Jones (1683 – 1761)

Griffith Jones

1683 – 1761

All who thank God for the 18th century revival long to see its flames leap across two centuries and set ablaze today’s frozen church and wooden-hearted society. Hoping to gain information and inspiration from our foreparents’ awakening in Britain, we immerse ourselves in the work and works of the “three-fold cord not quickly broken” (Ecclesiastes 4:12); namely, John and Charles Wesley, together with George Whitefield. Few of us, however, are aware of Griffith Jones, the “morning star” of the revival, a man whose name is fragrant in Wales to this day.

In 1649 Oliver Cromwell, Parliamentary leader during the “Interregnum” (the brief period following the English Civil War when Puritan rule replaced royalty), insisted that Wales be given 150 ministers as well as one schoolteacher in every market town. Cromwell wanted to relieve the many-faceted darkness that had kept the Welsh people iniquitous and ignorant in equal measure. When the monarchy was restored in 1660, however, Charles II (the royal family’s all-time “playboy”) immediately suspended the nascent work in Wales, pleased to see the darkness reclaim the people.

Light was to come forth, none the less, from that “morning star” which didn’t merely scintillate but rather burned brightly as a flare, providing illumination beyond anyone’s capacity to foresee it. Twenty years before the Wesleys and Whitefield were even “lit”, Jones was doing what the three Englishmen would subsequently render notorious: a forthright declaration of the gospel, without fear or favour, to the neglected poor and the smirking rich; a compassion for those either alienated from the church or unaware of its mission; outdoor preaching that reached men and women who were otherwise never going to hear the word of life; alleviation of shocking material distresses and deprivations; and, most ominously, persecution from ecclesiastical authorities.

Jones was born into a Dissenting church family that early acquainted him with “the whole counsel of God.” (Acts 20:27) Overwhelmed one day by means of a vision (unusual in that visions are more typically found among Roman Catholics), Jones had seared upon his heart the immensity of God’s mercy, humankind’s helpless enthrallment to systemic sinnership, and the final fixity both eternal blessedness and ultimate loss. An unmistakable, undeniable vocation to the ministry accompanied the vision. Jones set about preparing himself for this work. With preparation ended, he moved from the Dissenting denomination of his upbringing to the Anglican Church. (No one knows why, as no one knows why John Wesley’s mother, Susanna Annesley, made the same move when only a young teenager.) Upon ordination in 1709 Jones began travelling beyond his parish into the mountain villages of south Wales. And just as quickly an ecclesiastical indicted and tried him on charges that he had neglected his own parish and was encroaching, uninvited, upon the precincts of other Anglican clergy, even preaching outside church buildings. The trial disclosed something entirely different. He preached in other parishes only when the incumbent invited him to, and he preached outdoors only when sanctuaries couldn’t contain the thousands who hungered for the bread of life. Now exonerated, and having turned the tables on his accusers, Jones laid before the presiding bishop incontrovertible evidence of cavalierly negligent clergy and spiritually destitute people whose total existence (not merely their “religious life”) was dissolute and desolate.

In 1716 Jones was installed as rector of the parish of Lladowror, where he ministered until his death 45 years later. As is always the case when the whole Christ wholly possesses the preacher, Jones scrabbled unashamedly to provide his people with food, clothing and medicine.

In the course of conducting his wintertime catechism class in the rectory Jones noticed that far too many of his people couldn’t read. He begged money to provide salaries for schoolteachers, trained them himself (they had to be godly but they didn’t have to be Anglicans), and then had them itinerate as Methodist ministers were to do so very effectively two decades later. The teachers of these “Charity Schools” remained in a village for three months at a time, instructing young and old alike intensively, only then to move on to another village but of course to return in order to move students ahead to the next level. The students weren’t children alone. Adults up to age 70 flooded the schools, soon to be freed gloriously as only the ability to read frees the illiterate. For the first time in the history of Wales servants, labourers and farm workers had access to books. The result was startling, as Wales became the first territory in Europe to have a literate peasantry.

Jones had early seen the pointlessness and futility of having the Welsh people forced to learn in English when they had no opportunity to speak the language with others who knew it well. People with next-to-no English can’t help those with no English to learn it. For this reason Jones resolutely maintained that Welsh had to be the lingua franca, and to this end translated thirty books himself from English to Welsh, these books being the chief texts of his “Charity School” curriculum. Within 30 years 4,000 schools had been set up and 250,000 people enabled to read.

Jones maintained that not only did the gospel address the whole person, thus rendering education an essential aspect of Christian mission; education was essential for the fullest reception of the gospel. In other words, education was as much the condition of evangelism as its fruit, and therefore as much needed for people’s salvation as for their edification. Not surprisingly, he distributed over 30,000 bibles throughout the land.

To this day Jones is deemed one of the makers of modern Wales, and the single most significant factor in the purity and preservation of the Welsh tongue.

Still, if he were able to speak to us now concerning his greatest Kingdom-usefulness he would undoubtedly point not to anything mentioned so far but rather to his three “sons in the gospel”: Daniel Rowland, Howell Harris and Howell Davies. It was these men who, only a few years later, would ignite Wales at the same time as “the threefold cord” torched England. Their “Calvinist Methodist Church” — Calvinist in theology yet Methodist in ethos and expression — would typify the marvellous diversity of the 18th century revival, a reflection, of course, of the diversity of the kingdom itself.

Victor Shepherd             March 2000

 

Jonathan Edwards (1703 – 1758)

Jonathan Edwards

1703 — 1758

Philosopher, theologian, pastor, evangelist, psychologist, naturalist: Jonathan Edwards was all of these at once, and all of these superbly. A philosopher without peer to this day in America, he was the only philosopher of note until the 20th century. The best theologian to appear in the U.S.A., he missed living during the richest era of new-world Puritan erudition, emerging only in the dying days of the movement. Expected to voice its death-rattle, he paradoxically thundered like a cataract into which there poured the streams of fathomless spirituality and measureless intellect.

Yet Edwards’s own congregation would eventually vote 200 to 20 to dismiss him. Unemployed for six months, and with seven children to feed (eventually there were 12), he was exiled to a mission outpost consisting of 12 caucasian families and 250 aboriginal. Unquestionably isolated academically and deprived culturally, he managed in this seemingly inhospitable environment to produce scholarly works that have made him America’s intellectual showpiece.

It is Edwards’s sermon, Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God, that so many have fastened on as the excuse for disregarding him as the conscienceless exploiter of people’s emotional vulnerabilities. Or rather it has to be the title of the sermon, since virtually none of those who disdain him as mean-spirited and heartless have even bothered to read the sermon! Neither do they know that so far from manipulating the heart-strings of his hearers with rhetorical trickery, he read the sermon word-for-word, hunched over the lectern, rarely lifting his head to look at the congregation — and all of this in a drone-dull monotone guaranteed to anaesthetize the most watchful. The result? New Englanders convulsed as the Spirit convicted them of their sinnership and their precariousness before the Holy God whose judgement cannot be deflected. (Sinners, it should be noted, is only one of 1200 manuscript sermons by Edwards housed in the library of Yale University.)

One of 12 children, the precocious youngster began learning Latin, Greek and Hebrew at age five. By 13 he was a student at Yale, a graduate at 17. After two years of schoolteaching he moved to Northampton, Massachusetts, as assistant pastor to his grandfather.

The spiritual tepidness of the congregation there dismayed him. Driven back to the resources acquired during his theological training, Edwards preached repeatedly on the Reformation pillar of “justification by faith”: sinners are set right with God as they gratefully embrace in faith the provision God’s grace has wrought for them in the mercy of the cross. His expositions appeared hopelessly ineffective in the face of the desiccated hearts of his hearers — except that their hearts were tinder-dry and could therefore be ignited! A spiritual quickening smouldered in the congregation for several months and then flickered into flame. Neighbouring congregations came alive as the Spirit thawed the frigid and illumined the shuttered. Suddenly the quiet conversions of individuals and the gradual renewal of congregations exploded into the “Great Awakening” of 1740. No single metaphor seemed sufficient to describe it. Avalanche, landslide, tidal wave, prairie- fire: no expression, however suggestive of immensity, relentlessness and power does justice to the development.

Needless to say, sceptics appeared instantly. Was the Great Awakening a new-world, latter-day “Pentecost”, or was the “prairie-fire” the uncontrollable destruction of wildfire? Was the revival at best a pretext for expressing psychological aberration and at worst a danger bordering on the demonic? Wisdom rivalling Solomon’s was plainly needed. Edwards’s Treatise Concerning the Religious Affections appeared in 1746, unsurpassed in helping to distinguish between emotional boilovers devoid of light and genuine Spirit-penetrations of the heart that caused the convicted to cry out, groan or wail. Edwards knew that those newly horrified at their quandary before the uncompromisingly Holy could very well shriek or faint, even as he knew that no amount of shrieking or fainting of themselves proved that the Spirit of God had cut to the heart. How to distinguish between the hallucinations of the hysterical and the torment of the heart-rent? Here Edwards showed himself a master of discernment: the authentic must be distinguished from the counterfeit, even as the Spirit must no more be quenched than emotional “geysering” be encouraged.

By 1750 a non-revival element in Edwards’s congregation had become ascendant, and the controversy that was to terminate his pastorate in Northampton could not be stifled. The “Halfway Covenant” had been a social expedient granting church-membership (together with the right to have their children baptized) to those who neither professed faith in Jesus Christ nor acknowledged his claim upon their obedience. These people wanted the social and business advantages of institutional membership while disdaining the self-abandonment of discipleship. Edwards rightly insisted that scripture knew nothing of a “halfway” following of the Master. One was to be a church-member only on the grounds of one’s unqualified submission to Jesus Christ and one’s unreserved aspiration to godliness. When unruly voices clamoured for quick dismissal, Edwards declined to speak in his own defense, simply asking that he be judged by those who had heard him preach on the matter or who were acquainted with his writing. He was refused. The congregation, having been graced for years with the ministry of the nation’s spiritual giant, mysteriously displayed its spiritual puniness as it fired its pastor.

After several years in outpost work he was asked to serve as president of Princeton University. By this time smallpox was raging up and down the Atlantic seaboard. Some pastors railed against vaccination while others insisted on it. Edwards said nothing, content to “speak” by having himself vaccinated. The mini-dose of the disease proved too much for the man rendered frail through several years’ hardship. He died one month after assuming the presidency.

The architect of Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God knew something his detractors have never learned: it is far worse to be sinners in the hands of angry humans, as King David of old knew when he cried, “I am in great distress; let me fall into the hand of the Lord, for his mercy is very great; but let me not fall into the hand of man.” (1 Chronicles 21:13) God’s anger subserves his mercy, while humankind’s anger subserves its cruelty.

The man whose sole recreation had been horseback-riding had consistently testified to that horse and rider who “went out conquering and to conquer.” (Revelation 6:2)

Victor Shepherd

 

John Wesley (1703 – 1791)

John Wesley

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1703 – 1791

He had been ordained for more than a decade when it happened. Sitting in an evening service one Sunday, following his return to England after a disastrous spell as a missionary in Georgia, he listened to someone reading from the preface to Luther’s commentary on Romans. The most notable event in eighteenth-century English history was only seconds away: “About a quarter before nine, while he was describing the change which God works in the heart through faith in Christ, I felt my heart strangely warmed. 1 felt I did trust in Christ, Christ alone, for salvation; and an assurance was given me that he had taken away my sins, even mine, and saved me from the law of sin and death.” It was May 24, 1738.

Immediately the dominant theme in the thirty-five year old’s ministry became justification by faith: sinners are justified or set right with God as in faith they trust the pardoning mercy God graciously presses upon them. Gone were his preoccupations with moralism (the notion that we can put ourselves right with God through moral achievement) and mysticism (the notion that we have a natural capacity to ascend to a God who remains forever vague). He would know for the rest of his life that the God who is apprehended in the face of Jesus Christ had condescended to him and done for him precisely what he could never have done for himself. His earlier zeal for holy living he retained; only now the motive for it was gratitude for mercy given instead of recognition for superiority attained.

The results among the people who heard him were electrifying. Thousands who had swung between self-exalting pride and self-rejecting despair now had assurance of their new life as children of God. However, those who objected to the manner in which Wesley held up the need for Spirit-wrought birth made no secret of their derision. The Duchess of Buckingham complained that Methodist doctrines (they were really Anglican!) were “most repulsive…… It is monstrous,” she continued, “to be told that you have a heart as sinful as the common wretches that crawl on the earth.”

Ecclesiastical officialdom, as nasty as it was spiritually inert, lost no time harassing Wesley. Pulpits were closed to him. Driven out-of-doors, he decided to become “the more vile” (as he had always considered what he was about to do) and began “field-preaching.” Together with his friend George Whitefield, a fellow Oxford graduate, Wesley was soon “declaring the glad tidings of salvation” and “spreading scriptural holiness” to throngs numbering in the thousands, people who had never been found in church.

Again the bureaucracy moved to stop him. Magistrates were instructed to hound him even as mobs were incited to beat him. Yet the physically diminutive man stood his ground. “Always look a mob in the face,” he instructed his growing band of preachers. Usually the mobs dispersed; the scars on Wesley’s face were reminders of the ones that hadn’t.

Always an evangelist first of all, Wesley nevertheless attended to the sick, the dying, the imprisoned, the forgotten. He managed to author and edit hundreds of books, write hymns, collect and publish those of his brother Charles, and translate from the German those of Paul Gerhardt. He also wrote grammar textbooks for English, French, Greek, Hebrew and Latin, plus a history of the world.

Faced with the ravages of eighteenth-century poverty (worsened by the Industrial Revolution just under way) he spent himself tirelessly on behalf of the socially submerged. In 1746 he established the first free pharmacy in London. Haunted especially by the plight of widows, he reconditioned two small homes for them. Outraged that his people were denied access to banks, he scraped together fifty pounds and began assisting those who needed small amounts of investment capital. (One fellow established a bookselling business which eventually became the largest in England.)

It is impossible to exaggerate the hardships Wesley sustained: 250,000 miles on horseback, 40,000 sermons preached without amplification, 22 crossings of the Irish Sea, exposure to inclement weather, hostility from those with vested interests, life-long conflict from those who disdained his vehement rejection of predestination and his equally vehement insistence on godliness.

Wesley persisted in telling his people that God could do something with sin beyond forgiving it: they could know victory. As his people stepped forward out of filth, hopelessness, self-contempt, alcoholic delirium, debt and disgrace he insisted that there was no limit to the work of grace which God longed to effect in them. When the established church accused him of fanaticism he met them head-on: since they prayed the line from the prayerbook every day, “. . . that we may perfectly love thee. . . .” they must believe it themselves or else be manifestly insincere. There were no grounds for pronouncing his people fanatics.

But no grounds were needed. When a bishop slandered those whose temporal fortunes and eternal destiny had been transformed, Wesley replied with an irony both trenchant and tragic: “But all is fair toward a Methodist.” Yet he harboured no ill-will. Discovering that the cowardly bishop who had refused to name himself was from Exeter Cathedral, Wesley worshipped there in 1762, commenting, “I was well-pleased to partake of the Lord’s Supper with my old opponent, Bishop Lavington. 0 may we sit down together in the Kingdom of our Father.” Fifteen days later Lavington was dead.

Wesley was to live another thirty-one years. When an old man, he spent four consecutive winter days begging, ankle-deep in slush, to raise two hundred pounds for his beloved poor.

In 1789, aged eighty-six, he returned to Falmouth, Cornwall. The streets were lined. Forty years earlier mobs there had abused him. Now he was overwhelmed at the affection that greeted him. “High and low now lined the street,,” he wrote, “from one end of the town to the other, out of stark love and kindness, gaping and staring as if the king were going by.”

He was not the king. He was a very great ambassador.

 

Victor Shepherd

 

Charles Wesley (1707 – 1788)

Charles Wesley

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1707 – 1788

Nine thousand poems; 27,000 stanzas; 180,000 lines. The output of Charles Wesley was prodigious. It was, in fact, three times the total output of William Wordsworth, one of England’s most prolific poets. Had Wesley written poetry every day, he would have written ten lines per day for fifty years.

Charles could write poetry for any occasion. When his wife Sally was entering upon the rigours of childbirth, he wrote a poem for her, one which she could use as a prayer:

Who so near the birth hast brought,
(Since I on Thee rely)
Tell me, Saviour, wilt thou not

Thy farther help supply?
Whisper to my list’ning soul
Wilt thou not my strength renew,
Nature’s fears and pangs control,
And bring thy handmaid through?

(Since I on Thee rely)
Tell me, Saviour, wilt thou not

Thy farther help supply?
Whisper to my list’ning soul
Wilt thou not my strength renew,
Nature’s fears and pangs control,
And bring thy handmaid through?

At the funeral of George Whitefield (considered to be the finest preacher of the eighteenth-century Evangelical Awakening) he praised his departed friend in a poem 536 lines long!

While Wesley’s poetry chiefly concerned the themes of the gospel message, he tried to enter imaginatively into the stresses of all manner of people. Today we can read his poetry about wives and widows, coalminers and criminals, high school students, and soldiers who remained loyal to the British crown during the American War of Independence.

Susanna, mother of the Wesleys, was the twenty-fifth (and last!) child of a well-known Puritan preacher. She in turn had nineteen children herself, John being the fifteenth and Charles the eighteenth. Both boys were academically gifted, both eventually studied at Oxford, and both were ordained to the Anglican priesthood.

After a period of frustration, rejection, and self-doubt as missionaries in Georgia, John and Charles returned to England. Kezia, their youngest sister, told them she had come to believe and to understand that God could perform a work of transforming grace in the human heart. Believers were granted new standing before God, a new nature, new outlook, new motivation and new affections. Charles proved it all for himself on May 21, 1738. He wrote in his journal. “By degrees the Spirit of God chased away the darkness of my unbelief. I found myself convinced. . . . I saw that by faith I stood.” His experience resulted in the writing of a hymn which Christians still sing:

And can it be that I should gain
An interest in the Saviour k blood?
Died He for me, who caused His pain ?
For me, who Him to death pursued?
Amazing love! how can it be
That Thou, my God, shouldst die for me?

Three days later, his older brother came to the same conviction and experience: “I felt my heart strangely warmed. I felt I did trust in Christ, Christ alone, for salvation; and an assurance was given me that he had taken away my sins … and saved me from the law of sin and death.” The spark which ignited Methodism had been struck.

In no time, the conflagration was spreading everywhere. Together with Whitefield (the third strand in their “threefold cord”), the Wesleys soon found that hostile church officials had barred them from pulpits. They moved out-of-doors, where they were free to announce the Good News to people who were as unacquainted with the Bread of Life as they were hungry for it. Crowds of up to 25,000 gathered regularly to hear them.

While both John and Charles were gifted at preaching and hymnwriting, Charles was especially noted for his genius at Christian song. Yet there was more than genius here. Charles had been prepared for his music-ministry by nine years of studying classics at Oxford, particularly the work of the ancient Greek and Latin poets. Most importantly, his whole-souled encounter with his Lord had issued in such passion and depth as to fuse and focus all gifts and graces, talents and training.

Brother John thought highly of Charles’ work: “Here is no doggerel, no botches, nothing to patch up a rhyme, no feeble expletives. Here are … the purity, the strength, and the elegance of the English language.”

John was in Newcastle when he learned of the death of Charles. The next Sunday, as he was conducting worship, the congregation sang one of Charles’ earliest hymn-lines: “My company before is gone, And I am left alone with Thee. . . .” John unravelled. He staggered back into the pulpit, weeping profusely. The congregation waited for him, and he recovered enough to finish the service.

The hymns of Charles Wesley breathe the man’s life in God. It was rich; so rich, in fact, that later Methodists were sometimes reluctant to sing many of his hymns, as their experience of God was not his. Whereas God’s grace and truth had moved Charles profoundly and had found stirring expression in his hymns, the same hymns struck some of his descendants as mere literary exaggeration.

His descendants were wrong. There was no exaggeration. He who wrote, “Love divine, all loves excelling,” wrote that hymn and many others only because he had been taken up into a reality infinitely greater than even he could express.

Victor Shepherd

 

Women Preachers in Early-Day Methodism

Women Preachers in Early-Day Methodism

Samuel Johnson’s remark is as arrogant as it is cruel. He compared women who preach to dogs who walk on their hind legs. While neither does it very well, it’s surprising to see it done at all. Plainly it never occurred to Johnson that the women gathered around the event of the world’s redemption were exemplary, last at the cross and first at the tomb out of limitless love and loyalty for their Lord. Was it not a woman, Mary Magdalene, who first recognized the risen Jesus as he called her by name and commissioned her a witness on his behalf?

No less a philosopher than Aristotle had said that a woman is halfway between a male and an animal. Jesus, on the other hand, had dignified women every day in the course of his earthly ministry. In his Spirit the daughters of Phillip had “prophesied” in the congregation at Caesarea. And women, we know from Paul’s greetings at the conclusion of his letter to the Roman Christians, had been leaders of the house-churches in the capital city of the Roman Empire.

In 7th century England Hilda, abbess of Whitby, had come to prominence as founder and leader of a community for both men and women. In 14th century England the gospel-movement centred in Wycliffe had seen women preaching throughout the English countryside. In 17th century England the more radical developments within Puritanism (e.g., the Quakers) had seen women preach.

Not everyone rejoiced at such occurrences. John Vickers, Anglican clergyman, fumed in the later 1700s that “impudent housewives”, lacking intelligence, attempted to compensate for their deficiency by being talkative, quick-witted, and possessed of good memories (all of which he thought were natural to women.) Such women, Vickers hissed, were none the less both immodest and ignorant of scripture.

John Wesley hadn’t been one to trumpet the appearance of the woman preacher. Still, he couldn’t deny that his mother had conducted worship for villagers when her clergyman-husband had been in London attending parliament. When Anglican officialdom suggested that Samuel rebuke his “uppity: wife, Susannah said she would not capitulate to his opinion or recommendation; only a direct order would induce her to desist. Her husband, observing the fruits of her ministry, backed off.

Following his own spiritual awakening in 1738, Wesley set about organising the Methodist “Societies”, a society composing all Christians of Methodist persuasion in any one town or city. The “class” consisted of the same folk, now divided into groups of twelve according to geographic proximity. The “band” was smaller still, only four or five people eager to be transformed utterly by God’s work of sanctification or holiness. Women quickly arose as the “sparkplugs” of all three. When Elizabeth Fox, a leader in the Oxford Society, was about to move to another town, Wesley implored her to stay, since “…the enemy [could not] devise so likely a means of destroying the work which is just beginning among them as the taking away of their head.”

By April 1742, the London Society listed 66 leaders, 49 of them women. These women were highly visible as leaders, less visible but no less essential in their ministry of hospitality as they accommodated itinerant preachers travelling ceaselessly.

Treasuring the leadership women provided in early Methodism, yet nervous of seeming scandal, Wesley sought to distinguish Methodism from Quakerism, for instance, on the grounds that Quakers encouraged their women to preach. “Preaching” was defined narrowly as exegesis and exposition of a scriptural passage. In 1748 Wesley was still denying that Phillip’s four daughters, the women who worked with Paul in the gospel, and the prophesying of the women who fulfilled Joel’s prophecy at Pentecost were actually preaching. He never denied, however, that women were exercising by far the larger part of Methodism’s diaconal ministry (concrete caring for the sick and imprisoned.) In other words, the current that Wesley resisted formally he enhanced informally.

Not infrequently a woman led a “class” consisting of men only. When Dorothy Downes wondered about both the propriety of her doing this and its credibility, Wesley urged her on: “It is an act of friendship and brotherly love.” When others remarked that women were to be seen rather than heard, he retorted, “Is this doing honour to the sex? No; it is the deepest unkindness; it is horrid cruelty.” Then he fortified the women directly: “Yield not to that vile bondage any longer. You, as well as men, are rational creatures, made in the image of God.”

At this point women prayed in public. “Such a prayer I never heard before”, he said of one, “odd and unconnected and made of disjointed fragments, yet like a flame of fire.” From praying they moved to “exhorting”, exhortation being a declaration of Christian truth, personal testimony concerning one’s experience of it, and invitation to hearers to own it. From exhorting it was a small step to “preaching.”

Years earlier, when Wesley had been challenged about “field preaching” and his deployment of lay preachers, he had pleaded an “extraordinary call.” Soon he was describing the revival itself as “extraordinary”, a novum calling for “extraordinary means” of many sorts. His understanding of “extraordinary” came to include women preachers. At this point he abandoned all earlier inhibitions, counselling them to go all the way and preach as he advised them to “take a text.” If their natural reticence or lack of confidence found them hesitating, he urge them, “Speak, therefore, as you can, and by-and-by you shall speak as you would.”

These women were as resilient as spring steel. Sarah Crosby, Methodism’s first woman preacher, itinerated for 20 years. Elizabeth Tonkin began preaching at nineteen, married, and continued to “offer the people Christ” for the next two decades while she mothered eleven children. Margaret Davidson, Ireland’s first woman preacher, spoke as often, and travelled as much, as her blindness allowed. Mary Bosanquet never relented despite the abuse the suffered at the hands of the church: “All that I have suffered from the world in the way of reproach and slander is little in comparison with what I have suffered from some professors of religion, as well as even ministers of the gospel.”

Everything changed with Wesley’s death. Jealous males could no longer be suppressed. The women preachers, now silenced in Methodism, fled to other denominations. The major issue at the 1803 conference was, “Should women be permitted to preach among the Methodists?” Once again, as church history illustrates repeatedly, the institution feared the Spirit’s freedom.

While the church talks constantly about the world’s need of the gospel, it’s plain the church needs to hear it no less urgently. For only as the church hears the gospel will the apostle be spared seeing in the church what he dreaded seeing in Galatia (5:1); namely, those whom Christ had freed from slavery being betrayed into bondage by the church.

Victor Shepherd       March 2000

 

George Whitefield (1714 – 1770)

George Whitefield

1714 – 1770

He was born into situation that didn’t reflect Wesley’s privilege, yet he evangelized many among the social elite of England. He was afflicted with a squint so severe that no one know exactly where (or at whom) he was looking, yet he drew vast outdoor crowds who never took their eyes off him. Benjamin Franklin, who heard him preach many times in Pennsylvania, declared that he had a “voice like an organ.”

George Whitefield was born in Gloucester, England; his remains are buried in Newburyport, Massachusetts. He voyaged to the New World seven times (a one-way trip took two months) and was equally at home on both sides of the Atlantic.

Having languished in spiritual emptiness and disquiet for several years, Whitefield’s “birth” was aided by the spiritual midwifery of a godly bishop who directed him to John 7:37: “Let anyone who is thirsty come to me [i.e. Jesus].” Whitefield exclaimed aloud, “I thirst!” – and recalled that when Jesus uttered these words his struggle was almost over. He realized too that for the first time in his life he had implicitly renounced any claim upon God’s favour and explicitly acknowledged his helplessness. Immediately he was granted assurance of his new nature in Christ and his new standing before God.

The young Anglican preacher was transparent to the message that had altered him. The day the twenty-two year old was ordained his sermon won over the hungry even as it antagonized the hardened. On this occasion his opponents complained that his preaching had driven fifteen people mad. “I hope their madness lasts until next Sunday,” replied the bishop who had sponsored him.

In 1738 he stumbled into a development that was to characterize the Evangelical Awakening. Standing in the pulpit of the crowded-out church in Bermondsey, he was haunted by the fact that a thousand-plus stood outside, and haunted doubly because of the reason they were there: they gave off an odour that no one could deny and few would endure. He told his friend John Wesley of his plan to begin “field-preaching.” Wesley thought the scheme insane (until he had to admit its effectiveness). It was also illegal since the Conventicle Act permitted outdoor preaching only at public hangings!

Before long, however, a scheduled execution brought it about. Whitefield’s heart had been broken by the coalminers at Kingswood, Bristol – men as violent as they were vulgar. Once the date for the hanging had been set the miners began anticipating the celebrations surrounding the entertainment. When the murder “cheated” them of their amusement by committing suicide, the miners dug up the corpse and partied around it.

They and their families were 100 percent illiterate, stuck in a degradation that defies description. Whitefield walked among them, in full clerical attire, and began speaking to them from Matthew 5: “Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.” Thoroughly despised and contemptuously shunned, these people found in Whitefield someone who loved them and therefore did not fear them. Grimy with caked-on dirt and coated in coal dust as they were, Whitefield wrote of them in his diary that as he preached he saw “the white gutters made by their tears down their black cheeks.”

Immediately church authorities arranged for all Anglican pulpits to be closed to him. He was undaunted. The next Sunday ten thousand people joined themselves to the Kingswood miners. Opposition intensified. When Whitefield attempted to visit prisoners in Newgate jail, the Corporation of Bristol suddenly “remembered” to appoint a prison chaplain! Nonetheless, disadvantaged people returned his love for them. After hearing Whitefield preach time after time poverty-stricken miners collected money to build a school for their children: the impoverished were not to be exploited by the socially privileged!

Yet more than the high-born opposed Whitefield. At Moorfields one lout climbed a tree overlooking the preacher and urinated at him. Ever the master at turning opposition into gospel-advantage, Whitefield rhetorically asked the crowd, “Am I wrong when I say that man is half devil and half beast?” – and then commended anew that gospel whereby anyone at all may become a child of God.

In the New World Whitefield preached form Georgia to New England, always raising money for the orphanage he had established in Savannah. New York, Boston, Philadelphia, the Carolinas, Harvard University: all were beneficiaries of his ministry as he was anything but “the generality of preachers who talk of an unknown and unfelt Christ.”

Before he died the “threefold cord not quickly broken” (Whitefield, plus John and Charles Wesley) was reknit. He and the Wesleys had agonized and grown apart over Whitefield’s adherence to the doctrine of predestination. When they were joyfully reconciled he wrote in his diary, “Prejudices, jealousies and suspicion make the soul miserable.”

John Wesley preached at the memorial service which was held for Whitefield in England. “He had nothing gloomy in his nature,” said John, “being singularly cheerful, as well as charitable and tender hearted.” It was true. When a Quaker had chided Whitefield for wearing full Anglican vestments Whitefield had replied good-naturedly, “Friend, you allow me my vestments and I shall allow you your peculiar hat.”

When their disagreement had been sharpest concerning predestination Wesley was asked if he expected to behold Whitefield on the final Day. “I fear not,” John had replied, “for George will be so much nearer the throne of grace.” It was in the memorial sermon that John spoke most succinctly of his friend: “Can anything but love beget love?”

Victor Shepherd

Thomas Webb (1725 – 1796)

Thomas Webb

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1725 – 1796

The recently converted man in full military dress, unforgettable in the green patch over his sightless eye-socket, dramatically laid his sword alongside an open bible and announced to the small congregation that he was a soldier of the cross and a true spiritual descendant of John Wesley.

Born in either Bath or Salisbury in the west of England, Thomas planned on a career as a Redcoat and was commissioned a quartermaster in the 48th Regiment of Foot. One year later he was promoted to lieutenant. In 1758 he was transferred, together with his regiment, to North America where the French forces were gaining in the Seven Years’ War. In July of the same year Webb was serving with Amherst and Wolfe, famous British generals, when Louisburg was captured in Nova Scotia. It was a turning point in the war. Not even the French victory at Montmorency in July, 1759 (where Webb lost an eye to musket-fire) could stem the military disaster coming upon Montcalm one month later at Quebec.

In the momentous summer of 1759 Webb had published A Military Treatise on the Appointments of the Army, his reflections on the science of waging war. In it he indicated how warfare in the new world differed from that in the old, and why less cumbersome weapons were needed in terrain that demanded mobility. (Fifteen years later a soon-to-be-famous general, foreseeing a revolution, was to read and distribute the book and turn it tellingly against the British. George Washington’s copy of Webb’s treatise is currently housed in a Boston museum.)

Subsequently recommended for a captaincy, Webb declined the promotion, wanting neither to return to Britain nor to submit his new wife to the rootlessness of military life. When his wife died shortly, however, he crossed the Atlantic in order to sell his commission.

The winter of 1764 found Webb depressed, convinced that he was a sinner whose sinnership was irremediable and he himself hopeless. He was directed to a Moravian preacher whose Passion Sunday sermon (March 24, 1765) persuaded the forty year-old that the crucified had borne his guilt and shame and had borne them away. His hopelessness cancelled, Webb found the assurance of his salvation swelling as he testified for the rest of his life of his certainty of seeing his Lord in glory. The Moravian preacher introduced him to Rev. James Rouquet, who in turn had come to faith under Rev. George Whitefield. Immediately Webb found a spiritual home among the Methodists, enjoying a “fit” so fine that he always regarded them and him to be made for each other.

When the scheduled preacher failed to appear at Bath, one Sunday, Webb was asked to speak. Knowing nothing of sermon-technique, and lacking formal training in theology, he could only relate simply, unselfconsciously, the unvarnished account of his conversion. The Spirit-quickened story-telling of the battle-scarred veteran thawed frozen hearts and confirmed his vocation among the Methodists.

Having sold his commission in 1766, Webb returned to New York as a civilian. As befitted someone whose book on military science had enhanced the deployment of troops and materiel, he was soon to prove hugely fruitful in consolidating the diffuse personnel and resources of early American Methodism. In addition, his public utterances now included not only the retelling of his own awakening but also “the whole counsel of God.”(Acts 20:27), never neglecting the Wesleyan emphasis for which he was unapologetic because unashamed; namely, Christian perfection.

Possessed of immense patience, six months’ intense evangelistic work around greater New York City found him not complaining but rejoicing as twenty-four people newly declared their faith in Jesus Christ, half of them black and half white. A tireless worker on behalf of any Methodist concern, he didn’t consider it beneath him to peddle books in the metropolis in order to raise the purchase price of a church-site. Always keen, like the apostle Paul before him, to announce the gospel (of Methodism) where it had never been heard before, he inaugurated Methodist work in New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and many areas of Pennsylvania. (In Philadelphia he fuelled the evangelical flame that had sprung from Whitefield’s fire.)

August, 1772 found Webb back in England, a delegate to the Methodist Conference at Leeds. Recognizing his administrative talents, John Wesley sent him to Ireland to remedy long-standing difficulties in the Methodist Societies of Limerick and Dublin.

In April, 1773 Webb returned to America, accompanied by his new wife, Grace. An American spy, Samuel Purviance, accused him of being a spy in the service of the British forces. (Although Webb was a civilian he had continued to draw a military pension.) Webb was arrested and confined to a Prisoner of War camp in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where he ministered to the internees. In 1778 he was given a passport that allowed him to travel the few miles to Philadelphia. There he hoped to have himself exchanged for an American Prisoner of War. The authorities, however, disdained his passport and reinterned him. Undaunted, his wife pleaded with George Washington and was granted the sought-after exchange.

In Britain once more in 1778, Webb pursued his non-stop work on behalf of the Methodists, preaching and encouraging, always raising money for chapels to house the burgeoning crowds. He was singularly instrumental in securing funds for a second chapel in Bristol on Portland Heights. On Christmas Eve, 1796 his remains were buried there. When Portland Chapel was closed in 1972, one hundred and seventy-five years later, and his remains were disinterred, the identifying green patch was found almost intact. His remains, including those of his wife, were reburied at the New Room, Bristol, long the site of brave Methodist forays into the new world in Wesley’s era.

What the old soldier lacked in formal education and social sophistication he more than made up for in singlemindedness, always exemplifying the apostle’s reminder, “Share in suffering as a good soldier of Jesus Christ. No soldier on service gets entangled in civilian pursuits….”(2 Tim. 2:3f) Certainly John Wesley had appreciated Webb’s undeflected resolve. When Charles Wesley had written from Bristol, “Webb has much life and zeal, though far from being a clear or good preacher”, John had replied from London, “He has been long enough with you; send him to us.”

 

Victor Shepherd
December 1997

 

John Newton (1725 – 1807)

John Newton

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1725 – 1807

‘Twas grace that taught my heart to fear,
And grace my fears relieved.

Are you ever startled, even awed, that someone loves you unspeakably? When spouse, or friend, or parent, or child loves you beyond anything you deserve, anything you could expect, even beyond any love you will ever be able to return? John Newton was awed to the point of writing “Amazing Grace,” the hymn by which he is known and from which the two lines above are quoted.

When Newton was nineteen years old a press gang “captured” him, as they did may young men, and forced him to serve in the Royal Navy. Living conditions on warships were deplorable. There was less room than in a prison, the company was worse, the food worse, and there was always the prospect of terrible suffering through enemy fire, as well as the constant danger of drowning. Most of the food was slightly rotten, flavoured with bitter tasting insects called weevils. Very rotten food festered with black-headed maggots.

During one seven-year period in the 1700s the Royal Navy raised 185,000 men for sea duty. Two-thirds of them died of disease. Many succumbed to malnutrition, and more than a few to syphilis. Sailors were regarded as the scum of the earth. Newton boasted of a vileness and moral degeneracy so pronounced that even hardened sailors preferred to leave him alone.

Annoyed by the incorrigible troublemaker, the warship’s captain eventually had him lashed until the young sailor fell into a coma. Vinegar, salt water and alcohol were poured into his wounds. He nearly died. Wanting only to be rid of him, the captain put Newton on board a merchant ship involved in the slave trade.

By age twenty-five Newton was captain of a slave ship. The vessel’s round trip took slightly more than a year: from England to Africa with trade goods plus chains, neck-collars, handcuffs and thumb-screws; from Africa to the Caribbean with slaves; finally, from the Caribbean to England with molasses and rum. The inhumanity of the long middle passage still haunts the world. Black people on board were forced into pens only two feet high. They were stacked together like cordwood and chained to one another. There were no toilet facilities and no ventilation. So overpowering was the stench that a slave ship could be smelled twenty miles downwind. Sailors raped black women at will. Newton later wrote of his exploitation here, “I was sunk into complacency with the vilest of wretches.”

Several years before becoming a captain, Newton had been caught in a fierce storm off Newfoundland. The crew pumped water until they collapsed. The ship barely staggered into port. For the first time Newton wondered where his life was going. He prayed. Six years, including his slave-trading days, were to pass before the seed sown during the storm was to bear fruit. But bear fruit it did. That grace before which believers are speechless in silent amazement “saved the wretch.” Newton applied for the Anglican ministry but was at first rejected because he lacked a university degree. Eventually a discerning bishop agreed to ordain him. He was thirty-nine years old.

Although Newton was a clumsy preacher, people flocked to him. They knew they were face-to-face with a man who was utterly transparent to the grace and power and purpose of God. Soon he was devoting most of his time to earnest people who sought Christian counsel. (You can read his wise advice in the little book, Letters of John Newton) Aware now of both the surge of God’s power and the throb of the needy human heart, Newton began writing hymns, often one per week, (The hymn he penned to commemorate his wife on the first anniversary of her death had twenty-six stanzas!)

Newton knew that there are no limits to human degradation, not merely because of Paul’s insistence in Romans 1 that God “gives up” those who reject him to the consequences of not wanting him, but also because his days as sailor and slave-ship captain had acquainted him with such degradation in himself and others. Gloriously he also knew that there are no limits to God’s renewal in righteousness. His entire ministry – preaching, writing, counselling – echoed the note of the great sinner who has come to know a greater Saviour. Never naïve concerning sin, he often expressed to William Cowper (another famous hymnwriter) his sorrow at the curse of slavery he had helped unleash on the world, and as often waited to hear Cowper’s pronouncement of pardon. When a parishioner spluttered her delight at having won the British lottery, Newton replied solemnly, “I shall pray for you as one under affliction.”

In his latter years, his memory began to fail. When the sermon meandered and appeared to have lost its way the congregation patiently reminded its pastor of the point he had been trying to make. A friend suggested he preach no longer. “What, shall the old blasphemer stop while he can speak?” Newton roared back, as though raising his voice over the din of an ocean storm. He preached his final sermon in 1806 at a benefit service for the widows and orphans of the Battle of Trafalgar.

Shortly after came the day when he could speak no longer. He had anticipated it in the last stanza of another of his much-loved hymns, “How Sweet the Name of Jesus Sounds”:

Till then I would Thy love proclaim
With every fleeting breath;
And may the music of Thy Name
Refresh my soul in death.

 

John Fletcher (1729 – 1785)

John Fletcher
(Jean Guillaume de la Flechere)

1729-1785

The tribute Fletcher’s wife, Mary Bosanquet, penned concerning her husband is the envy of all married Christians: “Since the time I had the honour and happiness of living with him, every day made me more sensible of the mighty work of the Spirit upon him….I never knew anyone walk as closely in the way of God as he did.” He deserved the reputation his name still enjoys among Methodists. The key to Fletcher’s saintliness was a humility that, so far from self-belittlement (a sign of psychological illness rather than of godliness) was utter self-forgetfulness. Genuinely humble because never conscious of it, Fletcher remained preoccupied with something vaster, grander, and unspeakably glorious. This accounted for a sanctity authentic and attractive in equal measure.

What was the vaster, the grander, the glorious that had first overtaken Fletcher, then inflamed him, and finally borne such fruit in him as to leave John Wesley awe-struck? We can glimpse it if we steal upon the Anglican clergyman’s residence in Madeley, ten miles outside London, where Fletcher is dying. His wife is singing a hymn they both cherish:

Jesus’s blood through earth and skies,
Mercy, free, boundless mercy cries.

— and the tuberculosis-weakened man gasps, “Boundless! Boundless! Boundless!” — boundless mercy visited upon sinners in bondage to anything and everything; boundless mercy visited upon all without exception or qualification. This theme reverberated throughout his theology, his life and his ministry.

Fletcher was born in Nyon, Switzerland, to parents whose social privilege allowed him to enrol at the University of Geneva. There he distinguished himself as a brilliant classics scholar. Possessing the intellectual qualifications for work as either professor or clergyman, he preferred the risky adventures of the mercenary soldier. He was scheduled to sail on a Portuguese warship that would take him to Brazil when a pre-boarding accident confined him to land. Next a wealthy uncle promised him a commission in the Dutch army but died before the nephew could become an officer. Dispirited now, Fletcher immigrated to England and found work as a tutor to the sons of a prominent family. Idling away several hours in the London marketplace while his master finished parliamentary business, Fletcher overheard an impoverished, elderly, uneducated woman speaking unselfconsciously — and compellingly, as was soon to be evident — of her intimate life in her Lord. When Fletcher mentioned the incident to his master’s wife she sniffed haughtily, “I will be hanged if our tutor doesn’t turn Methodist by this.” She was never hanged, but Fletcher did turn Methodist. Shortly he came to treasure the Methodist expressions of faith, discipleship and devotion. An Anglican bishop, having reviewed Fletcher’s academic record from the Swiss university, ordained him. Soon he was ministering with another Anglican, John Wesley, at West Street Chapel, as well as wherever French speaking Protestant refugees (“Huguenots”) congregated in London.

Fletcher’s next responsibility was the parish church in Madeley, Shropshire. While itinerancy was the rule among Methodist preachers, an exception was made for him. He relished remaining in the one place for the rest of his life, working relentlessly for the spiritual renewal of a parish whose members were distinguished only by their ignorance and worldliness, as callous toward their fellows as they were toward God. So far from dwelling amidst the one congregation lest he have to move beyond his “comfort zone”, Fletcher believed his situation to be a divine appointment, and cheerfully withstood abuse that included physical and legal threats. Parishioners quickly learned that the selfsame appointment rendered him as resilient as spring steel.

Soon his theological ability and spiritual maturity were recognized in his elevation as head of Trevecca College (Wales.) The Countess of Huntingdon funded this institution, a centre designed to train evangelical leaders during the 18th century revival. Fletcher travelled there as often as his pastoral responsibilities permitted. The countess’s college, however, soon displayed a stark Calvinism, denying mercy to be “boundless” but restricted rather to the “elect”, those selected from the mass of humankind and marked out for favourable treatment. When the Countess of Huntingdon insisted he disown the tenets of Methodism or depart her home, Fletcher left without rancour or recrimination.

John Wesley, aware that Methodism needed a strong leader to succeed him, had already decided upon Fletcher. Fletcher, more than any other thinker of that era, had grasped the spirit and genius that Wesley had imparted to Methodism. For years Wesley had insisted that God could do something with sin beyond forgiving it; specifically, God could deliver people from sin’s paralysing grip. If the church held up less than this then its proclamation was no more than a counsel of despair. Fletcher resonated with Wesley’s understanding of sanctification in its substance and depth and power. At the same time Wesley knew that no theological perception, however necessary, was sufficient qualification for the leader of a Spirit-forged movement. The chief qualification was that numinous godliness which the

Spirit-quickened can discern but not define. Ultimately Wesley was to write, “Many exemplary men have I known, holy in heart and life, within fourscore years. But equal to him I have not known, one so inwardly and outwardly devoted to God.”

Wesley was dismayed to learn of Fletcher’s death. The heartbroken 82-year old agreed to conduct the funeral. The text for Wesley’s address leapt off the page at him: “Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright.” (Psalm 37:37)

Fletcher’s single largest work, Checks to Antinomianism, expounded the theology of early Methodism and for years was a principal textbook in both England and America. The book reflects his elegant written English even as his spoken English remained awkward. There was nothing inferior, however, about his immersion in the depths of the One whose holiness was origin, invitation and reward for the man who had insisted to his wife, “Write nothing about me; God is all.”

In 1776 he had scripted a tract decrying the American Revolution. A copy was forwarded to the king of England. The latter wanted to repay him with any ecclesiastical “plum” Fletcher cared to name. Graciously he turned down his monarch, adding, “I want only more grace.”

 

Victor Shepherd
March 2000

 

Barbara Heck (1734 – 1804)

Barbara Heck

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1734 – 1804

Two brass candlesticks sit on two small tables flanking the pulpit chair in John Street Methodist Church, New York City. The candlesticks belonged to Barbara Heck. She brought them every Sunday to the early service of worship. They are lighted at every service in the church today. The lamp which she herself was has not been hidden under a bushel.

Barbara von Ruckle was born in County Limerick, Ireland, to parents whose Protestant forebears had fled persecution in Germany. French soldiers under King Louis XIV pillaged the southern part of Germany, harassing all who clung to the truths of the Reformation. The beleaguered people scattered. In 1709 a group of 110 families fled together, getting as far as Rotterdam where it seemed the ocean would frustrate them forever. Pitying their plight, Queen Anne of England dispatched British ships to the Dutch seaport to salvage the refugees. The grateful people were set down in County Limerick, while the government eased them into their new life by paying rent on the land which they farmed for the next two decades.

In no time the recently-arrived German refugees demonstrated their superiority to the wild native Irish peasants in all aspects of agriculture. Resentment mounted. Rents were raised 600%. John Wesley (who made 22 trips to Ireland) was aghast when he visited the German-speaking colony and witnessed the manner in which they had been penalized for their industry. He wrote in his journal, “I stand amazed! Have landlords no common sense (whether they have common humanity or no) that they will suffer such as these to be starved away from them?”

Wesley noted too that these people were starving for the bread of life as well. He had observed that in the fifty years since they had left Germany these people had become “eminent for drunkenness, cursing, swearing and utter neglect of religion.” He attributed their downward slide to the fact that for fifty years they had been without a German-speaking pastor. Wesley himself, however, was fluent in German. He was overjoyed to see the Methodist articulation of the gospel seize the people and change them profoundly.

At age eighteen Barbara had publicly professed her faith in Jesus Christ. When Wesley visited the emerald isle several years later the two of them resonated. The distinctive emphases of Methodism, rooted in Barbara, would eventually be transplanted into the soil of the new world.

By now the gentry in Ireland were confiscating the pastureland which the German refugees held in common. Deprived of land and afflicted with unpayable taxes, many of them decided to emigrate to America. Barbara married Paul Hescht (the name was anglicized to “Heck”), and together they braved a sixty-three day trip to New York City.

New York City, in 1760, was populated with 14,000 Dutch, English, German, Spanish and Afro-Americans. The city’s spiritual carelessness startled Barbara, as did a similar degeneration in those of the extended family (cousins, in-laws, more distant relatives) which had emigrated with her. She pleaded with her cousin, Philip Embury, to preach. He maintained he couldn’t inasmuch as he had neither church nor congregation. “Preach in your own home, and I will gather a congregation”, Barbara replied. The mustard seed beginning consisted of four people: Barbara, her husband, a labourer, and a black female servant. They persevered. Just when it seemed that the mustard seed would never germinate and multiply, Captain Thomas Webb appeared. He was regimental commander of the British forces at Albany. Standing erect in his military bearing, attired in the famous redcoat, Webb preached and the congregation grew. (In addition to his redcoat Webb wore a green patch over one eye. He had been wounded at the Battle of the Plains of Abraham, when Quebec fell to the British.) Soon the congregation had outgrown the private home where it was meeting. A church-building would have to be built, and Barbara herself designed it, the first Methodist church-building in the new world. At the service of dedication the preacher expounded Hosea 10:12:

Sow for yourselves righteousness,
reap the fruit of steadfast love;
break up your fallow ground,
for it is time to seek the Lord.

This building was soon outgrown, and in 1768 another was raised in New York City. The seats had no backs and the gallery was reached by means of a ladder. Hundreds thronged it every Sunday.

When the American War of Independence loomed, Barbara and her husband, together with their five children, left New York City for a farm in Camden, near Lake Champlain. Angry neighbours who supported the coming revolution burned them out, destroying all their livestock and forcing them off the land. Once again the Heck family moved, this time to the Montreal area. A few years later they settled in the region of what would become Brockville. Compared to New York City their habitat was a wilderness. Undaunted, however, Barbara commenced her mustard seed sowing all over again. It took her years to gather enough people to form the first Methodist class in Canada. The people she had brought together ministered out of their own resources for five years; only then did a circuit-riding saddlebag preacher arrive to lead them.

When she was seventy years old one of her three sons found Barbara sitting in her chair, her German bible open on her lap. The woman who had never spoken English well, yet who was the mother of English Methodism in Canada, had gone home.

Victor A. Shepherd
December 1991

 

Francis Asbury (1745 – 1816)

Francis Asbury

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1745 — 1816

As he embarked for America in 1771 the twenty-six year-old wrote in his journal, “Whither am I going? To the new world. What to do? To gain honour?…To get money? No. I am going to live to God, and to bring others to do so.”

Francis Asbury grew up in the Birmingham area, England, where Methodism flourished, as it customarily did wherever the human ravages of the Industrial Revolution were worst. Only two years before Asbury’s birth, near-by Wednesbury had seen dreadful riots, memories of which would be healed wholly only in heaven. Homes had been pillaged, shops looted, bodies broken, women raped. For more than a century Methodists in this area would preserve hacked furniture as a tribute to the courage and sacrifice of their foreparents in faith.

An intellectually gifted boy, Asbury was set upon so viciously at school that he had to be withdrawn, only to become servant to a vulgar, affluent family whose riches were matched by their ungodliness. Escape was provided when he was taken on elsewhere as apprentice metalworker.

When he was sixteen Asbury became aware of a deeper work of grace within him and began to preach, speaking up to five times per week, walking several miles to get to each appointment. In order both to preach and retain his livelihood he found it necessary to rise at 4:00 am and retire at midnight — a practice he employed for the rest of his life.

His abilities widely known now, he was assigned to assist James Glassbrook, himself a forceful Methodist minister. Glassbrook had been travelling-companion to John Wesley, and no doubt informed his protege of what had befallen him and Wesley in their roving together. For instance, an Irish magistrate had vindictively flailed at Glassbrook with his walking-stick until he had broken it over the Glassbrook’s arm, so irate was he that the latter had protected Wesley against a mob which the magistrate himself had incited!

Meanwhile help was needed desperately in America. In 1771 Wesley challenged, “Who will go?” His word became the Word of the Lord as Asbury stepped forward. (Four “affectionate sisters”, as they described themselves, wrote his mother of their dismay at this turn of events!) His last service on English soil found him preaching on Psalm 61: “From the end of the earth I will cry unto thee.”

In no time he reflected the practicality of American life, putting behind him the old world’s concern for pretentious titles and social position. Concerning slaveowners who would not free black serfs he announced without hesitation, “God will depart from them.” A minister was someone who did the work of the ministry and was manifestly used of God in that work; to forsake the ministry for a less rigorous job and expect to retain “Reverend” was ridiculous. Ordination at the hands of the church conferred nothing; it merely acknowledged that someone had been ordained at God’s hand already. At the same time he was upset at the scarcity of qualified preachers, and startled that many without qualification assumed none was needed. Like Wesley before him, Asbury insisted that those claiming a call to preach must study five hours per day — or return to shop and farm. When resisted by older ministers whose ardour had diminished and who preferred to minister amidst comfort, Asbury stated, “I have nothing to seek but the glory of God; nothing to fear but his displeasure…. I am determined that no man shall bias me with soft words and fair speeches.” He sought no comfort for himself as he preached everywhere: a widow’s rented room, a tavern, a cabin filthy as a stable, an orchard, a paper-mill, a crowd at a public hanging, a wagon carrying men to their execution. When many Methodist clergy left America during the Revolutionary War Asbury remained — and never renounced his British citizenship!

In 1784 Wesley named him superintendent of the entire Methodist work in America. Yet Asbury knew that old world authoritarianism had no place in the new; he had his colleagues elect him superintendent — a clear indication that ministry in the new world needed new wineskins. (“Superintendent” was translated “bishop” in America, a title which Wesley opposed inasmuch as it suggested spiritual sterility, worldly pomp, and a measure of wealth inexcusable in any Christian!)

Asbury’s work took him far afield. He crossed the Allegheny mountains sixty times, often through trackless underbrush. No house provided shelter at night. His rheumatism, worsened by repeated drenchings and cold winds, left his feet grotesquely swollen; someone lifted him onto his horse, his dangling feet unable to get through the stirrups. Incapacitated as well by asthma and pleurisy in the last two years of his life he had to be carried like a child everywhere. When urged to give up travelling he replied that “Come” had always been the operative word he used with younger preachers, never “Go”. He loved the young ministers as his family, naming them aloud before God in anguished prayer, interceding for them in view of the suffering they could not avoid.

Under his leadership Methodism had grown from 5000 members in 1776 to 214,000 at his death. Little wonder that in 1787 a letter addressed to “The Revd. Bishop Asbury, North America” had found its way to him.

When reminded that he had been unable to stand up to preach for the last seven years of his ministry — only one of the hardships he had endured for the sake of the kingdom — he replied, “But what of this? I can trust in nothing I have done or suffered. I stand alone in the righteousness of Christ.”

Victor A. Shepherd
October 1992

 

Thomas Coke (1747 – 1814)

Thomas Coke

1747 – 1814

Wesley spoke affectionately of Thomas Coke as a flea, for it seemed the man “hopped” relentlessly in the service of the gospel. (“Flea” may also have described the physical appearance of the chubby fellow who stood one inch over five feet.) The son of an affluent pharmacist, Coke attended Oxford University, graduating with a bachelor’s degree in arts and a doctorate in civil law.

Yet Coke spent little time in legal work as he knew himself called to the ministry. His first appointment following ordination as an Anglican clergyman was as assistant in a parish in Somerset. The flame that had ignited so many people fired soon him too, and in August, 1776, he sat down with John Wesley and offered himself as an itinerant preacher willing to go anywhere in the world. Wesley’s response was not what Coke expected: the young man was to “go on in the same path…visiting from house to house.” A few months later a new senior minister, hostile to Methodist convictions, arrived in the parish. Soon angry at his young assistant, the older man fired Coke on Easter Sunday, 1777 — and encouraged everyone to celebrate the dismissal by ringing the church bells and opening a hogshead of cider. (Thirty years later Coke would be vindicated: he returned to town and church and addressed a crowd of 2000.)

Throughout the Methodist awakening Wesley had forbidden his lay-preachers to administer the sacraments lest his people be accused of separating from the Church of England. An Anglican by conviction, Wesley wanted his unchurched converts to find a spiritual home in Anglicanism too. He knew as well that the Toleration Act that provided refuge for Dissenters wouldn’t protect his people, since he had never had them register with the authorities as Dissenters. His people would be seen as disruptive concerning the established church (and therefore liable to criminal prosecution) yet unsheltered by the laws safeguarding Christians who had publicly identified themselves as non-Anglicans. Wesley had always wanted Methodism to remain a renewal movement within the mother-Church.

In America the Methodist people were largely deprived of clergy and the sacramental ministry they provided. Wesley asked the Bishop of London to ordain men for the new world. The bishop refused. The shortage worsened after the American Revolution when nearly all the Anglican clergy, steadfastly loyal to the crown, returned to England. After much anguish Wesley “laid hands on” Coke. To anyone steeped in Anglicanism this could mean only that Coke had been consecrated bishop. On the same occasion Wesley ordained two lay-preachers as clergy for the New World. In the face of outrage from Anglican officialdom — and fury from his brother Charles who had always vowed, “Ordination means separation!” — Wesley resolutely stood by an insight that all biblical scholars today agree on: in the New Testament “bishop” (overseer) and “presbyter” (elder) describe the same person. Coke was to be the first Methodist bishop in the new world.

On the trip to America the learned man read Augustine’s Confessions for spiritual reflection, Virgil’s Latin Georgics for cultural enrichment, the lives of Francis Xavier (Jesuit missionary to India) and David Brainerd (Puritan missionary to North American aboriginals) for inspiration, plus 556 pages of a treatise on episcopacy so as to understand what sort of authority Wesley had conferred on him.

Upon landing in the new world Coke embarked on an 800-mile preaching tour of hinterland Methodism, noting with disgust and anger the abomination of slavery. Boldly he wrote an impassioned letter to George Washington — who later received him twice and in 1804 would ask him to preach before the United States Congress (all this in spite of Coke’s British citizenship!)

In 1791 the “flea” hopped over to France where, with the French Revolution at its most violent, he assembled hungry people in Paris and addressed them in French. In England he used his legal training to draft the “Deed of Declaration”, a document that secured legal protection for the Methodist Conference. In America again (he made nine round-trips) he collected money for a new college.

The year 1805 saw the 58-year old bachelor marry Penelope Smith, an aristocrat with the same financial privilege that Coke had known. Having spent his entire personal fortune to fund Methodist missions, he found his new wife willing to liquidate her estate for the same purpose — and thereafter to accompany her husband on his homeless journeyings.

While the aristocrat-turned-missionary found begging “a vile drudgery”, he did it unashamedly for the sake of supportirng the missions dear to him. And when his wife’s sudden death rocked him he fought his way out of the valley of the shadow with intensified preaching and “drudgery.”

Missions at home and abroad preoccupied him for decades. Four trips to the West Indies, a trip to Sierra Leone in Africa, the oversight of the Methodist work in Ireland, the provision of Methodist missionaries in Scotland and Wales, arranging for similar outreach in Newfoundland and Nova Scotia (he personally paid for long underwear for the Methodist preachers in Nova Scotia when he learned of the Canadian winter); this is what animated him above all else.

Following the death of his second wife after only one year together (they had married in 1811) Coke believed himself divinely appointed to Asia. He set out in the company of several missionaries, planning for concentrated work in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and India. Several ships in the party were lost in horrendous storms around Cape Horn. His survived and was moving quietly through the Indian Ocean with the Ceylon mission-field before it when he was found dead in his cabin.

Francis Asbury, now the bishop of American Methodism, preached a memorial sermon in which he paid tribute to the man he had long loved and admired: “…a gentleman, a scholar, a bishop to us; and as a minister of Christ, in zeal, in labours, in services, the greatest man in the last century.”

Victor Shepherd
June 1997

 

William Wilberforce (1759 – 1833)

William Wilberforce

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1759 – 1833

On the 24th of February, 1793, a tired eighty-eight year old man wrote Wilberforce, “Unless God has raised you up . . . I see not how you can go through with your glorious enterprise in opposing that execrable villainy. . . . You will be worn out by the opposition of men and devils; but if God is with you, who can be against you? Oh, be not weary in well-doing. Go on, in the name of God and in the power of his might, till even American slavery, the vilest that ever saw the sun, shall banish away before it.” One week later John Wesley was dead. It was the last letter he would ever write.

William Wilberforce entered the world sickly and nearly blind. When he was only nine his father died; his mother, unable to care for him, consigned him to the care of relatives. These people took him regularly to their evangelical Anglican parish church. What the youngster heard there, especially the stories and sermons of his favorite guest-preacher, The Reverend John Newton, went deep. For Newton had been captain of a slaveship, but had by the grace of God been rendered preacher, hymnwriter (“Amazing Grace”) and spiritual counselor. His influence upon the boy was incalculable: ” I revered him as a parent when I was a child,” Wilberforce would later write.

Slaves were picked up in West Africa and brought in chains to England in ships without sanitation facilities. Once put ashore, they were fattened up to disguise the ravages of months of poor nutrition and seasickness. Then they were oiled (dull skin being a sign of ill health) and paraded naked before buyers so that their physique could be assessed and market-value assigned. In the ten years following 1783 one British seaport alone (Liverpool) shipped 303,737 slaves to the New World. In no time Britain, the world’s leader in the trade, had supplied three million to French, Spanish and British colonies.

The captain of a British slaver threw 132 slaves overboard during a mid-ocean storm in order to lighten the vessel. Upon returning to England he made an insurance claim on the lost cargo! Sensitive people were outraged. The Attorney-General, however, insisted that the captain was without “any show or suggestion of cruelty”; it was his privilege to do with the cargo as he pleased. In any case, no public outrage was going to overturn anything unless a Member of Parliament, championing the welfare of slaves, cold persuade fellow-politicians. Besides, slaves were economically essential as a cheap source of labour, even as the trade was militarily necessary in training personnel for the Royal Navy.

In the meantime Wilberforce had found his way to Cambridge University, where he did little besides play cards. Soon his talent for eloquence got him elected to Parliament. He was twenty-one, and newly immersed in upper-class degradation. His earlier Christian formation appeared to recede as he groped and stumbled in gambling and intemperate drinking. By now he had scorned his Methodist upbringing as “vulgar” and “uninformed.”

Then, while he holidayed in the south of France, a devotional book by Philip Doddridge, an English clergyman, found its way into his hands and heart. Soon he was reading the New Testament in Greek. Torment consumed him as he became convicted of his depravity. Now he deplored the “shapeless idleness” of his frivolous life, speaking of it in terms of “deep guilt” and “black ingratitude.” With gospel-quickened insight he acknowledged “a sense of my great sinfulness in having so long neglected the unspeakable mercies of my God and Saviour.”

Assurance of his salvation turned the badge of “Methodist” from contemptible disgrace to glorious declaration. Immediately he resigned from five fashionable clubs, renounced gambling, and found himself fired with an intellectual zeal unknown at university. For the rest of his life he would labour ceaselessly on behalf of the earth’s wretched.

Wilberforce’s first target was the abolition of the trading in slaves. (He felt that if trafficking in black people ceased, slave-owners would have to treat their “property” more humanely, there being no replacement.) Admiral Nelson wrote from his ship, H.H.S. Victory, that as long as he would speak and fight he would resist “the damnable doctrines of Wilberforce and his hypocritical allies.” An irate sea-captain pummeled Wilberforce on the street. It was whispered slanderously when he was yet unmarried that his wife was black and that he beat her. His friends were accused of being spies in the service of the French.

While petitions poured into government offices to end slavery, the petitioners themselves were not at risk. Wilberforce was, for his position was never going to advance his political career even if he survived assassinations. In 1793 he advanced a bill in the House of Commons advocating gradual abolition. It failed by eight votes, most members absenting themselves form the House so as not to have to vote. Next he brought forward a bill prohibiting British ships from carrying slaves to foreign territories. It lost by two votes in a near-empty House. Promised the support of some Members of Parliament, he found himself abandoned. Nevertheless his resolve never abated even as his courage and eloquence never diminished. The tide began to turn. In 1807 Britain outlawed trading in slaves. Wilberforce incessantly lobbied the governments of other nations and was rewarded by seeing them do the same.

One task remained: the freeing of those already enslaved. That task absorbed all his energies for the next twenty-five years. The night that Wilberforce died, his supporters in the House of Commons were passing the clause in the Emancipation Act that declared all slaves free in one year and their masters given twenty million pounds in compensation.

The villainy, as vile as it was execrable, was over.

 

Earl of Shaftesbury (1801 – 1885)

Anthony Ashley Cooper (Earl of Shaftesbury)

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1801 – 1885

“There are not two hours in the day but I think of the second advent of our Lord. That is the hope of the church, for Israel, and the world. Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly”.

Like most who eagerly anticipate the day of our Lord’s appearing Shaftesbury was riveted to this world and its relentless suffering. Haunted by the barbarous exploitation of children, the formally attired, 42-year old politician was seen stepping into the unprotected bucket at the end of a single cable which lowered him 450 feet to the mine floor. Only weeks earlier a child assigned to apply the brake had left his post to chase a mouse; the bucket had plummeted and crashed, killing the miners descending in it. Once in the mine Shaftesbury found children hunched over on all fours, struggling to push loaded coal-carts. Some coal-seams were so narrow that only a small boy, lying on his back and wielding an undersized pick, could extract coal from the face. Most of these boys grew up deformed.

Shaftesbury was born to the aristocracy and was never without the privileges belonging to it. Nonetheless one incident in particular impelled him to spend himself on behalf of those who would never appear in his social class. Walking through a shabby area of London he came upon several intoxicated men who were carrying the crude sort of coffin used by the poorest. As they lurched toward the cemetery one fellow stumbled; the rest fumbled the casket, swearing uproariously. Shaftesbury was appalled that the remains of anyone could be subject to such indignity. On the spot he vowed to give himself to living wretches whose indignity was worse.

Following an Oxford University degree in classics he was elected to the House of Commons. Soon the young Member of Parliament was assigned to a sub-committee charged with investigating “Pauper Lunatics” and “Lunatic Asylums” generally. He found deranged people, incontinent, confined to “crib- rooms” consisting of large wooden boxes stuffed with straw. (It was easier to replace straw than to change adults’ diapers.) Winter and summer the ill were taken outside and swabbed by an attendant wielding a long-handled mop.

For Shaftesbury the only consideration was what was right. If upholding the right resulted in social disruption, then disruption there had to be. When British officials excused their silence (lest riots ensue) about the Indian custom of a widow throwing herself on the fire consuming her dead husband’s body he denounced the custom as “a most outrageous cruelty and wrong”. (When the British abolished the practice in 1829 there were no riots!) He alienated his father by supporting Catholic Emancipation in England, convinced that Roman Catholics should not remain politically disadvantaged.

Horrified at the 15-hour days children spent in factories Shaftesbury laboured to implement the ten-hour day. (He knew that six-hour shift would find employers bringing back children for a second shift, as well as lengthening the work-day for the adults whom they assisted.) Industrialists who opposed the ten-hour day complained that British industry would not be able to compete with the continent. He was accused of undercutting industry in north England in order to favour agriculture in the south. Whereupon he organized a huge demonstration of filthily-clad children from Manchester’s factories.

While his newly-implemented laws protected children in factories, no law protected the “climbing-boys” who were the virtual slaves of chimney-sweeps. Each sweep retained several boys to climb up and down flues to dislodge soot. Knees and elbows chronically raw and infected, a climbing-boy not infrequently became stuck in a chimney. Some suffocated; many died miserably of cancers spawned through the workday environment. The Climbing-Boy bill became law in 1840, but the fury of fastidious housewives kept it unenforced until the Shaftesbury Act of 8175.

The Factory Acts had not protected children in the mines. The government had attempted — unsuccessfully — to keep the report of its investigation from the public. Those who had dismissed Shaftesbury as a cranky do-gooder could not bear to read of the young girls, nearly naked in hot mines, working alongside naked men who tormented them sexually; five-year olds who worked trap doors in total darkness fourteen hours per day, six days per week. When Shaftesbury brought forward the Colliery Bill the government opposed it. (It became law in 1842.)

Nonetheless Shaftesbury always knew that freeing children from servitude was incomplete without education. Soon his dearest project was the Ragged School Union where children, barred through social class from the nation’s schools, were taught Thursday and Sunday evenings.

For years he campaigned for better public health. Underground sewers should replace street-level gutters. Flushing these gutters into the Thames — from which Londoners drew their drinking water — would only perpetuate the cholera which claimed 14,000 Londoners in 1849 alone. Cities should have piped water. Overcrowded cemeteries with fetid graves dug much too shallow should be closed. Yet it was years before Shaftesbury was heard.

Still, Shaftesbury never became a social reformer devoid of the gospel. In the face of the “wine-into-water” drift of the Church of England he strenuously contended for the faith. Justification by faith he pronounced “the great saving truth without which no other truth in scripture would be worth knowing…” Having wrestled with social wretchedness all his life he never thought its origin to be merely social, insisting rather on every individual’s innermost depravity: “We have to struggle…for the very atonement itself, for the sole hope of fallen men…”

On his death-bed he likened himself to the menhorraegic woman in the gospels: now at the feet of Jesus, soon to look up into the master’s face and know himself healed.

Victor A. Shepherd
October 1993

(Illustration by Marta Lynne Scythes)

 

Adolphus Egerton Ryerson (1803 – 1882)

Adolphus Egerton Ryerson

1803 — 1882

Ryerson’s father was as unyielding as he was uncharitable: “Egerton, I hear that you have joined the Methodists; you must either leave them or leave my house.” The eighteen year-old chose to leave home.

One of nine children (including five sons who became Methodist ministers) Egerton was born near Vittoria, a village close to present-day Port Dover. His Dutch foreparents had been in the new world since the early 1600s. When New Amsterdam fell to the British in 1664 and was renamed New York, they anglicized the spelling of “Reyerzoon.” Upon the outbreak of the American Revolution their descendants declared their loyalty to the crown and, together with thousands of other United Empire Loyalists, migrated to what remained of British North America.

The farm boy found his way to a school in Vittoria where James Mitchell, his teacher, fostered in him a love of learning and a facility with the English language. He also exposed Ryerson to the surge of world-occurrence and all it boded for actors and spectators alike.

The educational vista soon complemented a religious vision, for the teenager had apprehended Jesus approaching him. Eager to refute the scornful who sneered at religion as an excuse for laziness, Ryerson prepared himself for the ministry by arising daily at 3:00 a.m. in order to study until 6:00, when he commenced the 14-hour day’s work required of all farm labour.

His father, undeflectably Anglican, viewed Methodists as near-American (the first Methodist Circuit in Upper Canada, established by the American Methodist Episcopal Church in 1791, was part of the District of Genesee, New York State) and near-anarchic, assuming republicanism and revolution to imply each other.

Undiscouraged by his father’s intransigence, Ryerson became the itinerant preacher on the Yonge Street Circuit. Its boundaries were Pickering, Weston and Lake Simcoe. He needed a month to visit the people in his charge, delivering scores of sermons in scattered settlements. Always concerned to enhance human well-being, he ministered in the First Nation community on the Credit River where Peter Jones, an aboriginal Methodist, had evangelized the Mississauga natives. Here he slept in a wigwam, learned the language and set about erecting a multi-purpose building to serve as church and school. He supplemented the natives’ gifts with monies garnered from friends and former members of his Yonge Street circuit — none of whom was affluent. He had the structure paid for in six weeks.

The challenge in this regard, however, was nothing compared to that posed by his most formidable foe. Bishop John Strachan, of Scottish Presbyterian background, had emigrated to Canada in 1799. Rejected as a candidate for the Presbyterian ministry, he had joined the Anglicans, soon becoming the episcopal power-broker and the implacable foe of all who threatened the grip of the wealthy, oligarchic “Family Compact.” The latter was a handful of rich families whose stranglehold on business, finance and education sought to petrify the social stratification it exploited. Newly admitted to the Compact, Strachan spoke for it and speared any who opposed it.

Twenty-five years older than Ryerson, Strachan denounced Methodists as poorly-educated, irresponsible and traitorous (conveniently forgetting that they were descendants of United Empire Loyalists.) Already denied the right to own land for churches and parsonages, as well as the right to baptize and solemnize marriages, Methodist people were outraged. It fell to the 23-year old “David” to confront “Goliath.” Ryerson penned a riposte brilliant and effective in equal measure. In four years the Methodists were granted what they had long been refused.

Notorious now, Ryerson was appointed editor of a brand new Christian Guardian, soon the most widely read newspaper in the province, superseding many times over the official Upper Canada Gazette. The Guardian followed up with a bookstore, and this in turn metamorphosed into Ryerson Press, at one point the largest printing and publishing enterprise in Canada. Operating until 1970, it did much to shape the Canadian identity through the novelists, poets, biographers and historians whose works it disseminated.

In 1836 the Methodists built Upper Canada College at Cobourg, Ontario, expanding it into Victoria College (1841) and Victoria University (1865, when faculties of law and medicine were added.) Named its first principal, Ryerson announced a curriculum as broad as it was deep. In addition to Classics (a mainstay at any university at this time), he added a science department offering courses in chemistry, mineralogy and geography, as well as new departments of philosophy, rhetoric and modern languages (French and German.) Always eschewing one-sidedness anywhere in life, he insisted that each student pursue a balanced programme of the arts and the sciences.

Yet Ryerson’s monumental victory soon eclipsed the achievements that had already made him a household name. Dismayed to see one-half of school-aged children with no formal education and the remaining half averaging only a year’s, he knew himself handed unparalleled opportunity the day he was appointed Chief Superintendent of Common Schools for Canada West in 1844. (A “common” school was the social opposite of the elitist private schools.) Only forty-three, Ryerson persuaded the provincial government to assume responsibility for education. Soon common schools, aided by government grants, appeared wherever twenty students could be gathered. The arrangement was a quantitative leap over the log cabin schoolhouses whose instructors were frequently minimally literate themselves.

Thinking ill of a British school system that perpetuated the worst class divisiveness in Europe, Ryerson visited Continental common schools in Holland, Italy and France, “bookending” his trip with visits to Germany where he could observe the education system that Philip Melanchthon had implemented 300 years earlier. Upon his return to Canada he wooed the provincial government into marrying education and tax revenues, thereby providing free education for all. Of course the rich objected, arguing that they shouldn’t have to support the schooling of their social inferiors. Ryerson triumphed. His free education was soon compulsory as well. In it all he elevated teaching from a miserable job to a calling akin to that of the ordained ministry.

George Brown, editor of Toronto’s Globe newspaper, ranted that Ryerson had imported “Prussian” education into Ontario. Ryerson, cultured where Brown was crude, quietly immersed himself in French literature, having taught himself the language so well that he and the pope had conversed in it during his visit to Italy.

His educational programme quickly spread to other provinces, thereby magnifying his contribution to public life in Canada. The Methodist people, who for several decades hadn’t always appreciated what he was coaxing into place for all Canadians, realized his accomplishment. In 1874 they honoured the seventy-four year old giant by electing him the first president of the General Conference of the newly-amalgamated Methodist Church of Canada.

Victor Shepherd      5th October 2001

 

Soren Kierkegaard (1813 – 1855)

Soren Kierkegaard

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1813 – 1855

“Don’t be a Soren!”, Danish parents admonish their children to this day, “Soren” being synonymous with a ridiculousness so pronounced as to be both laughable and contemptible. Nevertheless my friend and former philosophy professor, Emil Fackenheim, himself a world-renowned thinker, casually mentioned to me that Kierkegaard is the greatest thinker to arise in Christendom.

Really? What about giants like Augustine, Aquinas, Luther? While I pondered Fackenheim’s remark I found Ludwig Wittgenstein, a leading philosopher in our century, saying the same thing: no Christian thinker has surpassed the physically grotesque man with the inimitable mind.

Soren Kierkegaard was the youngest of seven children born to Michael and Ane, the illiterate household servant he impregnated and subsequently married. Five of their children wouldn’t live past 34, leaving Peter, the eldest son, and their “Benjamin”. (Soren spoke agonisingly of himself as his father’s “Isaac.”) Years later, while Peter supported himself as a clergyman, Soren’s ten years at the University of Copenhagen and his work as an author – at one point he produced fourteen books in two years – would be funded out of the residues of his father’s business career as cloth merchant, hosier and wholesale grocer.

While Soren excelled in Latin, Greek, history, mathematics and science, his mastery of philosophy was stunning. With laser-like penetration he saw that the philosophers’ metaphysical systems were just that: systems in thinking; or, as he preferred to speak of them, protracted “thought-experiments.” While admiring the logic whereby philosophers integrated and advanced their comprehension of every facet of human history and every dimension of human understanding, he insisted that all such systems confused the realm of thought with the realm of existence. Glad to acknowledge that scholarly objectivity requires personal detachment, he none the less insisted that ultimate Truth calls for radical commitment. Truth is to be embraced in impassioned “inwardness.” His “Truth is subjectivity” soon had the intellectual and ecclesiastical worlds buzzing.

Of course Kierkegaard never meant that truth is subjectivism. Subjectivism is nothing more than fantasy or self-indulgence, even the silly notion that our preferences or pleasures constitute reality. Reality, rather, is the God who looms before us yet rises above us in an “infinite qualitative difference.” Quite simply, Kierkegaard knew that existence could never be reduced to thought. The more he read Hegel, Europe’s leading philosopher, the more convinced he was that being schooled in a philosophical system was “like reading out of a cookbook to a man who is hungry.”

Kierkegaard disagreed most vehemently with Hegel’s notion that Christianity was merely a pictorial representation in concrete, colourful images of a truth that the philosopher could apprehend by means of rising to the standpoint of the Absolute through pure thought. Kierkegaard disagreed that from this exalted perspective the philosopher could grasp that “God” and man had been brought together in a higher unity, and therein grasp that “God” was nothing more than the essence of humankind. He rejected the notion that religious consciousness was to philosophical consciousness as illustrations are to argument. Sadly, he understood why other philosophers were soon saying that “God” was no more than humankind’s self-projection now hugely inflated, that theology had been exposed as anthropology.

Kierkegaard knew better. The living, lordly, holy One is. The “infinite qualitative difference” between him and us can never be eliminated through thought. Since no “thought-experiment” can ascend to him, he must descend to us. This he has done in the Incarnate One. And this one can be known only in faith, with all the risks that attend upon faith – “lying out upon 70,000 fathoms of water.” The self-abandoned self “leapt” in faith to embrace God-Incarnate, and therein learned that “being a Christian” wasn’t the indifferent shallowness of the state church wherein, said Kierkegaard, “Everyone is a Christian. What else?” To become a Christian is properly to exist. To exist, his Greek studies reminded him, is ex-stare, to stand out: stand out from the crowd, stand out from public opinion, stand out from the Spirit-less religion of soulless conformity. So far from the disinterest of “thought-experimenters”, Kierkegaard espoused the “interest” of faith. Inter-est, his Latin studies reminded him, is to be “between.” It’s in the “between” of God and us; it’s in the relationship that Truth, embraced in impassioned inwardness, is held in utmost subjectivity.

Not surprisingly, his philosophical perception and his spiritual profundity issued in a stinging denunciation of a lumbering church’s “Christianity.” At the same time his honesty, forthrightness, and love for simple people (he was always in the streets conversing with common folk) found him writing newspaper articles that exposed the cruelty and compromises of the socially prominent. These people retaliated, pillorying Kierkegaard in the press. Thereafter when he went to church, louts stared at him endlessly, hoping their icy aggression would unnerve him. When he went on carriage drives in the country (the one relaxation he permitted himself), hired toughs threatened him. Cartoonists caricatured him, jeering at his clothing and mocking his bodily deformities. “No one dares to say ‘I’”, he noted as so-called individuals hid in the crowd and weakly intoned en masse what they would never dare to say alone. His society was afflicted with a sort of “ventriloquism”, he liked to say, wherein the individual was merely the mouthpiece for the mob. “And this”, he insisted, “is the specific immorality of the age.”

The day he was walking home with the last of the money his father had willed him he collapsed in the street and was carried, paralysed, to the hospital. He died five weeks later. The common people who thronged his funeral were restive to the point of a near-riot. The clergy, however, absented themselves except for the dean of the cathedral and Peter, his brother, now a bishop, who publicly “apologised” for little Soren’s “excesses.”

The man who addressed his work to “that solitary individual”, the person who resists the crowd, flings himself upon the crucified, risks all as did Abraham of old ascending Mount Moriah, lives thereafter in the “between”, and appropriates Truth in ever-greater subjectivity; this one had said of himself years earlier, “I shall never know the security of being like others.” His place is secure in the hearts of those who cherish his intellect and spirit. Above all, he himself is secure in the grasp of him from whose hand nothing will ever snatch him. (John 10:29)

Victor Shepherd June 1999

 

Bishop J.C. Ryle (1816 – 1900)

Bishop J.C. Ryle

1816–1900

Never lacking mordant expressions, Ryle diffused them throughout his denunciations of sinful folly and naïve self-delusion, but also throughout his depictions of the glories and joys of the Christian life and the unutterable grandeur of heaven.  For instance, few things upset him as much as clergy, entrusted with the spiritual shepherding of their people, who started off redolent with promise only to make their peace, here a little and there a little, with church and world as conviction and nerve gradually failed them until – until “…at the last the man (sic) who at one time seemed likely to be a real successor to the apostles and a good soldier of Christ, settles down on his lees as a clerical gardener, farmer, or diner out, by whom nobody is offended and nobody is saved”.

Yet he didn’t target the clergy.   Zealously urging all to embrace the Saviour, he solemnly warned all alike of the peril of spiritual neglect or somnolence – as when he told hearers of Lot ’s wife and the spiritual disaster coming upon her: “The world was in her heart, and her heart was in the world.”

Collapsing the imaginary refuge of those who think their privilege (of any sort) will see them past the just Judge, Ryle recalled, “Joab was David’s captain; Demas was Paul’s companion; Judas Iscariot was Christ’s disciple.  These all died in their sins.”

So reads Ryle’s landmark book Holiness.  First published as a collection of addresses and essays in 1879, it has been reprinted seven times, and continues to stiffen the spines of Christians in danger of becoming spiritually amorphous, even as it lends encouragement and hope to Christians who are on the point of giving up.

J.I. Packer, recently retired professor of theology at Regent College , UBC, was near despair as a young man concerning his seeming failure to “move into the space” that popular holiness teachers counselled.  Packer found their “Let go [of what?] and let God [do what?]” – and similar exhortations — too vague to help and too condemnatory to console. He was ready to write himself off as spiritually hopeless when Ryle’s Holiness came into his hands. Ryle showed him that holiness, so far from a passive “surrender” or self-wrought “consecration”, is simultaneously God’s gift, God’s command, and the believer’s pursuit. Holiness is to be done. And since such “doing” occurs in the world, the Christian is involved in a fight.  Packer’s life turned around and he stepped ahead.

Fight? “The saddest symptom about many so-called Christians is the utter absence of anything like conflict and fight in their Christianity”, Ryle lamented.   Unwilling to deny the obvious in scripture, he reminded his people, “There are no promises in the Lord Jesus Christ’s epistles to the seven churches, except to those who ‘overcome’”.

Ryle was born to a wealthy family and to the prerogatives that wealth brings. Sent to Eton , England ’s most prestigious private school, he distinguished himself in Greek and Latin before moving on to Oxford University , where he excelled in football and rowing even as he gained academic honours. Through it all he was never exposed to anything but spiritual tepidity and torpor.  Later he was to speak of the sermons offered weekly at Eton as “a perfect farce and a disgrace to the Church of England.”

Confined to bed for several weeks at age 21, he began reading scripture. As its truth and force fermented within him, he was brought to that moment when, several months later, he happened upon a church service whose text-for-the-day was the ringing evangelical declaration of Ephesians 2: “By grace are you saved through faith….it is the gift of God.”   In the wake of the gospel’s luminosity he grasped several implications: the deplorable condition of the sinner, the sufficiency of the atonement, the need for Spirit-wrought new birth, the believer’s holiness as the only authentic sign of faith, and (a point he would make tirelessly thereafter) the utter speciousness of baptismal regeneration or any hint of it.

Immediately he found no shortage of people who looked at him askance. The joy of his new beginning was matched by the grief of finding his friends uncomprehending and himself unable to remove the impasse.

Disaster overtook the family in 1841.  His father had loaned a brother-in-law 200,000 pounds to finance a new business in cotton manufacturing.   The business failed. His father had had lands and houses whose rents kept the family awash in money. The family had lived on a 1000-acre estate. The family foreparents had to come to England as “Royle” during the Norman Conquest, 1066.  Ryle’s annual allowance had been 15,000 pounds.  Everything vanished overnight.  In his first appointment following ordination (1841), Ryle’s stipend was 84 pounds.

The year 1844 saw him immersed in the work for which he would remain known long after his preaching voice was silent; namely, his intense study and practical renderings of the English Reformers, the Puritans who followed them, and the leaders of the Evangelical Awakening after that, together with numerous histories and accessible expositions of the Gospels.

The days were not easy.  Ryle’s first wife became psychotic following the birth of their first child. Only a few years later she died of a pulmonary aneurysm.  His second wife lived ten years, leaving him with five children under fourteen.

Amidst it all he pastored and preached, attracting huge crowds. He conducted open-air services. He emerged as the spokesperson for the Evangelical party within the Church of England, resisting Anglo-Catholicism’s attempt at undoing the Reformation and introducing ritual that lacked scriptural warrant.

As retirement age approached, he published two seminal works (perhaps his best-known), Old Paths and Knots Untied, expositions of doctrine he deemed essential.

Then retirement receded in 1880 when he was appointed bishop of the new Diocese of Liverpool.   Noting that only 10% of Liverpool attended church, he intensified evangelistic efforts. Deploring the poverty of the clergy, he initiated the first clergy pension plan in England .   Release from his ardours was granted in June 1890.

His epitaph could have been taken from the last chapter of his Holiness. “‘Christ is all.’ These words are the essence and substance of Christianity.”

George MacDonald (1824 – 1905)

George MacDonald

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1824 — 1905

“I know hardly any other writer who seems to be closer, or more continually close, to the Spirit of Christ himself.” Not everyone would agree with C.S. Lewis’s assessment. Congregational authorities in Arundel (England) voted him out of their pulpit. (All the more striking in view of Lewis’s insistence that the “preachments” are the best part of MacDonald’s novels!) The young Scot had not been long in the English congregation before his convictions were evident. Genuine faith, he insisted, longs to exhibit the “fruits of the Spirit”, not merely subscription to a creed. Genuine faith disdains the values of the world and forswears the vanities of the world. God longs not merely to save us from hell but even to save us from our sins now, the sins which we must repudiate lest they disfigure us even more hideously. Objectors in the congregation tried to force him out by reducing his stipend by two-thirds. He stayed on for the sake of the few earnest people in the congregation, but had to leave soon, unable to deal with people who were unwilling to think and unresolved to obey.

George MacDonald was born in the north of Scotland, where Gaelic myths and Old Testament stories sank into him and formed the mind that would later cherish imagination as the vehicle of spiritual truth.

Even as a youth he was sensitive to the implications of what older people appeared to say thoughtlessly. When a preacher persistently expounded a doctrine of predestination (with its notion that God did not love and would not redeem a large class of humankind) he announced to his family that he didn’t love God if God didn’t love everyone. This kind of hyper-Calvinism would arouse his antipathy for the rest of his life. While still a young boy he was repulsed in equal measure by the established Church of Scotland (it struck him as intellectually abstract and spiritually ineffective) and by the sects (they struck him as all heat and no light). Yet he admitted that the sincere seeker could find God in either.

Although the Scots had a reputation for theological precision, MacDonald thought it to be the product of the dissecting knife: fine work done on something lifeless. For doctrine (as he had seen it handled) appeared to have been made a substitute for living faith where the believer’s heart is rightly related to the heart of God.

1840 found him at Aberdeen University where he gained his highest marks in chemistry and physics. A severe shortage of money evaporated his plans to study medicine. He gave himself to literature, his passion for the rest of his life.

MacDonald supported himself by teaching arithmetic in a school and tutoring privately, in Latin and Greek, children of the Victorian era’s merchant class. He was never at home with the rising business class, repulsed as he was by its eagerness to sacrifice everything to “getting on”, and heartsick as he was at evangelical churchfolk who regarded financial prosperity as a reward for righteousness.

Horrified at the spiritual suffocation of affluence, he came to the conviction, never to be surrendered, of the centrality of the teachings of Jesus. These would the be the core of his life and work. The New Testament epistles were to be read in the light of the master’s teachings. For too long the Non-conformist churches had elevated the epistles above the gospels, with the result that abstract theological statements had become the means of evading the concrete claim of the gospels on one’s daily obedience.

In the course of his preparation for the ministry MacDonald had come to see that reason, while essential to our knowledge and worship of God, of itself does not open the door to that Kingdom whose key is Spirit. Not surprisingly, the only congregation he pastored told him he should use more evangelical cliches (code-words) and bend the teachings of Jesus to conform to denominational pronouncements. He left.

For the next several years poverty wrapped itself around him and his family. (He and Louisa had eleven children.) His financial plight was eased through teaching Shakespeare and poetry at a new Ladies College. Then the breakthrough! Longman’s (a major British publisher) was bringing out Within And Without, a lengthy poem, and was assigning him half the profits.

Convinced that fantasy is an effective vehicle of spiritual truth, he produced Phantastes, an exploration of God’s Fatherhood. Reviewers promptly condemned it. One journal argued that every author is permitted one mistake, and MacDonald had just made his!

Nevertheless, an appointment to a chair of English literature recognized his talent. Soon he was compared to Sir Walter Scott, Scotland’s greatest novelist. Aberdeen University awarded him an honourary doctorate. Americans insisted on a whirlwind tour of major U.S. cities (with stops, however, in Niagara Falls and Toronto). He returned home ill, only to find his daughter Mary dying of tuberculosis. His heart broken but his faith resilient, he asserted, “I will not acknowledge concerning death what our Lord denies of it.” In the same vein he wrote, “No one can be living a true life to whom dying is a terror.”

From 1851 to 1897 he wrote over 50 books: novels, essays, plays, poems, sermons, fairy tales, adult fantasy. His spiritual convictions throb throughout them all. God’s love is “love which will punish fearfully [in this life] rather than leave the beloved in sin.” Because we are made in the image of God, we “must love him or be desolate.” “Obedience is the one key of life.” “Men would rather receive salvation from God than God their salvation.”

MacDonald’s Christian literary descendants are now household names: G.K. Chesterton, J.R.R. Tolkien, C.S. Lewis, and America’s Madeleine L’Engle.

Everything he was and wrote is gathered up finally in one of his matchless aphorisms: “The response to self-existent love is self-abnegating love.”

Victor Shepherd

 

William and Catherine Booth (1829 – 1912; 1829 – 1890)

William and Catherine
Booth

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1829 – 1912          1829 – 1890

“Never!” Catherine cried form the first row of the balcony, before her husband could utter a word. William Booth, a Methodist minister, had been faulted for welcoming the poor, ne’er-do-wells and street toughs to his services. Church leaders wanted him to promise that the welcome mat would be rolled up and put away. Catherine answered for him. Little wonder that she wrote, “The more I see of fashionable religion, the more I despise it.”

William Booth was born in Nottingham, England, into a home that knew the bitter taste of poverty. His father died when he was fourteen, and William became a pawnbroker’s apprentice. He never forgot the anxiety, the bleakness and, above all, the degradation of penury. He would eventually startle Britain with his book, In Darkest England and the Way Out. Booth knew the socially wretched intimately, the people who worked themselves into exhaustion and then died from starvation, unable to afford as much food as the British government guaranteed the worst criminals in the nation’s jails. In 1890, the year his book appeared, there were three million such people in England. Their enslavement meant unyielding despair.

Yet Booth was never tempted to become a secular programmer of social change: he was always the evangelist. Converted at age fifteen in a Wesleyan chapel, he ever after wanted only to declare that the Word of Truth which brings Life to its hears and sets them on the Way of discipleship. Ordained a Methodist minister, he was soon dismissed by church authorities as a “reformer” and was stripped of his clergy-standing.

He found a temporary new home among New Connexion Methodists, but a few years of “settled ministry” convinced him that this was not his vocation. Together with his wife, Catherine Mumford, he began conducting preaching missions in Wales, Cornwall, and the Midlands – areas that had suffered the worst economic and human blight in the shadow-side of industrialization. Once again, church authorities attempted to appoint him to a settled ministry. By now he had wearied of their inability to recognize his calling. He left. In 1865 the Christian Mission opened in East London. In 1878 it was renamed The Salvation Army.

Persecution began immediately. “Take their flag, tie it round their necks and hang ‘em,” fumed the mayor of Folkestone. Following outdoor services in Sheffield in 1882, William Booth “reviewed” his stalwart soldiers. They were bespattered with egg-yolk, mud, and blood, their brass instruments battered beyond repair. “Now is the time to have your photographs taken,” he commented wryly. In that year alone seven hundred Salvationists were assaulted on the streets of Great Britain.

Catherine was the intellectual genius of the organization. As highly-born as her husband was not – her father had been a clergyman – Catherine was gifted with a keen mind, undeflectable conviction, and resolute courage. Long periods of childhood illness had led her to probe philosophy, theology and history. She had read through the entire Bible by age twelve. She would eventually write compellingly on behalf of women preachers. Her husband agreed with her it this. The Orders and Regulations that he drafted maintained that “women should have the right to equal share with men in the work of publishing salvation.” And in a vein that would cause modern feminists to rejoice, William also insisted that “women must be treated as equal with men in all intellectual and social relationships of life.”

Booth continued his multi-pronged attack on the strongholds of evil. On the one hand, he unashamedly instructed the evangelists he trained to “preach damnation with the cross at the centre.” On the other hand, he never rested until he had secured permanent changes in the world around him. No longer did dirt-poor “phossy-jawed” workers in the match-making industry find their jawbones glowing in the dark and their lives at risk because of the phosphorus they were obliged to work with. Tirelessly he exposed the “white salve” trade: thirteen to sixteen year old prostitutes who were much in demand in Paris and London. Three hundred and ninety-six thousand signatures later, he saw the practice outlawed.

At his death in 1912 The Salvation Army had 9,415 congregations throughout the world. The organization is now found in ninety-four countries, stretching form India, the site of the first major overseas venture, to El Salvador, added in 1989. The most recent additions are Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Latvia and Russia.

The Booths had always known that the work of God would advance only if Christians dedicated themselves without hesitation or qualification. Catherine urged this upon all as she wrote, “There comes a crisis, a moment when every human soul which enters the Kingdom of God has to make its choice of the Kingdom in preference to everything that it hold and own.” Always less reflective than his wife, William himself asserted,

While women weep, as they do now, I’ll fight;
While little children go hungry, I’ll fight;

While men go to prison, in and out, in and out, I’ll fight;
While there is a drunkard left,
while there is a poor lost girl on the streets,

       where there remains one dark soul without the light of God – I’ll fight!
I’ll fight to the very end!

When Booth’s funeral cortège wound its way through the streets of London, city offices closed. One hundred and fifty thousand people filed past his casket. Queen Mary was one of the 40,000 who attended his funeral. Spared another day’s fighting, the General had been promoted.

Victor Shepherd

 

 

Charles Hadden Spurgeon (1834 – 1892)

Charles Hadden Spurgeon

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1834 – 1892

Everything about him seems prodigious. Typically absorbing six books per week, he expanded his personal library until it contained 12,000 volumes. In an era that had not yet been introduced to sound-amplification, he could address an audience of 23,000 without a public address system. In 1865 his sermons sold 25,000 copies per week and were translated into over twenty languages. Members of his congregation were occasionally asked not to attend next Sunday’s service so that newcomers might find a seat.

C.H. Spurgeon was born in Kelvington, Essex, in a part of England that cherished the memories of stalwart Christians who had counted no price too dear for the faith that saves. The Reformation martyrs who had burned at the stake, as well as John Bunyan (imprisoned for thirteen years), encouraged the young man whose courage would later be called for again and again but never questioned.

In 1850 the teenager became aware of persistent spiritual need. Determined though he was to attend services at his family’s church, a snowstorm re-routed him to a sparsely-attended Methodist chapel. The preacher that day was earnest but not eloquent. Having little to say, he filled up the time allotted for the sermon by continually repeating his text: “Turn to me and be saved, all the ends of the earth! For I am God, and there is none other” (Isaiah 45:22). It was enough. The formation of England’s most powerful Christian spokesperson was under way. Within a year his theological grasp and spiritual discernment were awesome. By the time he was nineteen he had been called to one of the largest Baptist congregations in London.

His detractors, preoccupied with the shallow niceties and “good taste” of Victorian England, criticised him relentlessly. “Clerical poltroon” (a poltroon is a spiritless coward), “pulpit buffoon,” “demagogue,” they sniffed at him dismissively, comparing him to a circus performer who entertains the masses mindlessly. As it happens, his sermons are still read today, and in printed from fill sixty-three volumes equal to the contents of the ninth edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica. Helmut Thielicke, a leading Lutheran theologian and veteran of the German church struggle, advised his post-World War II seminarians to sell whatever books they owned in order to buy Spurgeon!

Through humour Spurgeon ensured that his critics did not unsettle him or deflect him. “He stinketh,” first said of Lazarus and now said of Spurgeon himself, merely proved that Spurgeon had been buried with Christ and was now dead to the world’s slander.

Yet not even his gift of humour could rid him of the horror that would haunt him for the rest of his life. On an October evening in 1856 Surrey Hall was filled to capacity with a crowd of 12,000 while another 10,000 pressed on the building from outside. Part way through the service, several of Spurgeon’s opponents shouted “Fire!” Seven people died in the panic that ensued; 28 others were hospitalized. Spurgeon himself was carried from the pulpit and hidden away in a friend’s home. Later he was to say that the nightmare had brought him to the verge of insanity.

In truth, his health was never robust. Each year found him in bed for weeks at a time with a variety of ailments, including chronic inflammation of the kidneys. Not least among his miseries was an inclination to recurring bouts of depression. (No doubt exhaustion had much to do with this. He had oversight of a congregation of 4,000 members, preached every Sunday, conducted weddings and funerals, edited a magazine, and dealt with 500 letters each week.)

Appalled at the housing conditions in London and determined to have the congregation “show our love of truth by truthful love,” Spurgeon established the Stockwell Orphanage. As attacks against his evangelical stance mounted, Spurgeon had a response: “The orphanage is an eloquent answer to the sneers of infidels and scoffers of the modern school who would fain make it out that our charity lies in bigoted zeal for doctrines but does not produce practical results. Are any of the new theologians doing more? . . . What does their socialism amount to beyond words and theory?” Political injustices were addressed with the same forthrightness. Tirelessly he advocated the removal of special privileges for the Church of England, arguing as well that any qualified student would be able to attend Oxford or Cambridge University, and that any non-Anglican pastor should have the right to bury his people in parish graveyards.

Believing that “each man should give his vote with as much devotion as he prays” Spurgeon denounced Home Rule for Ireland and governmental neglect of education in England. His strongest criticism he reserved for American slavery. When publishers in the United States began deleting references to slavery in American edition of his books Spurgeon redoubled his insistence that slavery was a “soul-destroying sin.”

Like John Calvin before him, Spurgeon devoted himself to the preparation of preachers. His Pastors’ College schooled hundreds. The instructors were working pastors who modelled both academic rigour and pastoral excellence.

Yet it was the writings of the Puritans that effervesced in him throughout his ministry. In these works he claimed to have found what every minister needs but which few seminaries seem able to provide: rigorous theology, warm faith, and practical pastoral wisdom. Despite the thousands of Puritan volumes on his shelves, however, Spurgeon was aware that it is suffering, in the end, that shapes the pastor as nothing else can. The prince of preachers who had suffered so much himself maintained to the end that “affliction . . . is the best book in a minister’s library.”

 

Karl Barth (1886 – 1968)

Karl Barth

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1886-1968

“Jesus Christ, as he is testified to us in Holy Scripture, is the one Word of God which we have to hear and which we have to trust and obey in life and death.”

So reads the first article in the Barmen Declaration, a theological document framed by Karl Barth in May of 1934. It ranks with the famous Protestant confessions of faith. Like them it came to birth at a time when the Church was floundering. Like them it spoke to a Church that had lost sight of its Lord, and had confused the Kingdom of God with the kingdoms of this world.

Nazism insisted that Hitler had the right to control the life and work of the Church. “German Christianity” was in reality no more than a centuries-old paganism wrapped in a flag the world came to dread. The National Church had bent the gospel out of shape as surely as the Swastika was a bent cross.

Lest anyone misinterpret the opening words of the Barmen Declaration (above), a supporting paragraph followed immediately: “We reject the false doctrine that the Church may and must acknowledge as sources of its proclamation other events, powers, forms and truths as God’s revelation beside this one Word of God.”

Barth was a forty-eight year old professor of theology at the University of Bonn when the Gestapo (the Nazi secret police) burst into his lecture and forcibly deported him to his native Switzerland. Before he died, Barth would demonstrate yet again that the Church’s best theology (like its best hymnwriting) emerges form its worst suffering.

Eventually his output was overwhelming: fourteen huge tomes of theology discussing the historic doctrines of the Christina faith as well as contemporary intellectual developments; dozens of shorter works; and four hundred journal articles and books of sermons.

Indisputably the leading Protestant theologian of the twentieth century, Barth was eventually even recognized by the Church of Rome (a teacher to be listened to by Christians of all persuasions). He was wooed by seminaries and churches everywhere. Yet he rarely ventured abroad on speaking engagements, preferring to preach each Sunday afternoon men in prison.

Barth was born in Switzerland, ordained to the ministry of the Reformed Church, and appointed to the village of Safenwil. Wile he busied himself in church and village the world convulsed with the declaration of the First World War in August, 1914. Ninety-three German intellectuals publicly declared their support for the war policies of Kaiser Wilhelm II. Barth was horrified to see virtually all of his former theology professors included in the list of names. At that moment he know they had nothing to teach him; nothing concerning scripture, theology, ethics or history.

Driven back to the New Testament, Barth recognized within its pages the centrality and sufficiency of “the Word made flesh.” He saw that the basis of the Church’s proclamation and pastoral care was not the world’s self-understanding, but rather the very Godness of the God who is “wholly other” than his creation and is therefore “wholly free” to give himself to us and for us.

A commentary on the Book of Romans soon followed. Embodying Barth’s discernment, it “burst like a bombshell on the playground of the European theologians,” according to a Roman Catholic scholar. Controversy erupted and never abated. Yet Barth refused to surrender the apostles’ conviction of the uniqueness of the Incarnation. When he was harassed and mocked by political authorities, university faculties, and ecclesiastical bureaucrats, he insisted that the Church always falls down in unfaithfulness and disgrace when it fails to understand three small words: his only Son.

Throughout World War II one huge volume succeeded another. An Englishman visiting an endangered pastor in Germany was startled at the man’s relief upon receiving yet another thousand pages form Barth: “It was as if a year’s supply of food had come to save a beleaguered city that would otherwise have starved to death.”

Hard at work each day form 7:00 a.m. until midnight, Barth still found time for other pursuits, especially music. He was particularly fond of Mozart, and listened to him daily. In the midst of work-filled days Barth wrote, “. . . Our daily bread must also include playing. I hear Mozart – both younger and older – at play. But play is something so lofty and demanding that it requires mastery. And in Mozart I hear an art of playing as I hear it in no one else. . . . When I hear him, it gladdens, encourages and comforts me as well.”

Barth travelled to America only towards the end of his life. By then he felt he had acquired sufficient English to make the journey, even though he waggishly told people that his English, gained from reading detective mysteries, was “simply criminal.” When asked for advice concerning young people about to enter the ministry he responded without hesitation, “They should know their Bibles and they should love people”

When he was over eighty an elderly woman in a Zurich nursing home wrote to tell him how much his printed sermons meant to her and to the ninety-eight year old resident to whom she red them. He replied, “I have no fewer than eleven honorary doctorates, but none has given me more pleasure than your little letter. . . .” He concluded, “God grant you both more of his incomparable light.” Soon he was dead himself.

He will be remembered as one who recalled the Church to its foundation: Jesus Christ is given to us as Judge, Saviour and Lord inasmuch as the world’s sin renders it both ignorant of its condition and impotent to do anything about it.

It had all been anticipated decades before in a remark of the young pastor in Safenwil: “The little phrase ‘God is’ amounts to a revolution.”

Victor Shepherd

 

Martin Niemoeller (1892 – 1984)

Martin Niemoeller

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1892-1984

“Is Hitler a great man?” Niemoeller’s frightened wife, Else, asked him. “He is a great coward,” her husband replied. Then Niemoeller warned her that Hitler would certainly hound and brutalize him, for Niemoeller had that day contradicted the Fuehrer at a public meeting. That evening the secret police raided and searched the Niemoeller home. A few days later a bomb exploded their home, setting it on fire. Friends offered to smuggle him and his family to Sweden, a neutral country. He declined.

Niemoeller’s dramatic confrontation with the most powerful and evil man in Europe had been foreshadowed years earlier in the claustrophobic confines of a submarine. He and his fellow officers of the World War I U-boat he captained were debating the horrors of warfare. Niemoeller said he saw at this moment – January 25, 1918 — that the world is not a morally tidy place; the world is not guided by moral principles; neutrality in the world’s struggle is not possible. At the same time, those who uphold the right are scarcely without fault themselves. The submarine commander jotted in his diary, “Whether we can survive all trials with a clear conscience depends wholly and solely on whether we believe in the forgiveness of sins.”

Soon this naval officer, who had wanted since childhood to be a seafarer, followed his father’s footsteps into the Lutheran ministry. His first parish, in the heart of an urban slum, could not pay him enough to support his family. Carefully his wife picked the gold lace off his uniform and sold it to a jeweler. His naval officer’s pension, devalued many times over on account of the collapsing German economy, purchased only half a loaf of bread. Years later he wrote, “I discovered and still know what it feels like to have no fixed employment and means of existence and sustenance.”

Hitler soon took the nation by storm. He promised to rebuild the economy, restore people’s pride, overturn their national humiliation, and eliminate the rampant immorality in the larger cities. It is little wonder that people supported him. It is greater wonder that Niemoeller did not.

Niemoeller soon discovered that Hitler was distorting the Christian faith in order to use it in the service of political power. Hitler ordered pastors to read a proclamation of thanksgiving to their congregations, a proclamation praising the government for assuming “the load and burden of reorganizing the church.” Niemoeller refused. He realized that Hitler merely wanted to use the church politically, thereafter leaving it to rot “like a gangrenous limb.”

Soon Hitler used a decree that targeted pastors of Jewish ancestry. They were to e removed from their pulpits. Of the 18,000 Protestant pastors in pre-war Germany, only twenty-three were of Jewish descent. Yet the anti-semitic hatred of the Nazi party was so intense that even this small number could not be tolerated. The machinery of the state was mobilized to eliminate them.

Because of the opposition to official policies the government informed Niemoeller in November, 1932, that he had been “permanently retired.” His congregation assumed a difficult but courageous position; they informed the government that their pastor would continue to shepherd them. Two days later at a rally in a sports stadium a featured speaker shouted, “If we are ashamed to buy a necktie from a Jew, we should be absolutely ashamed to take the deeper elements of our religion from a Jew.” “Positive Christianity,” as the state church called its propaganda, had clearly repudiated Jesus Christ.

Harassment of pastors continued. Niemoeller steamed, “It is dreadful and infuriating to see how a few unprincipled men who call themselves ‘church government’ are destroying the church and persecuting the fellowship of Jesus.”

In July 1937 the secret police arrested Niemoeller. Already he had been to prison five times, and on each of those occasions he had been released within a day or two. He expected the same quick release this time. He was wrong. The next eight years found him behind bars, the personal prisoner of Hitler himself.

On his admission to the Berlin prison he was approached by the prison chaplain, a man Niemoeller recognized form his naval days and now know as a Nazi stooge. “Pastor Niemoeller,” the chaplain said, “why are you in prison?” Niemoeller stared back at him and asked, “Why are you not?

From Berlin he was sent to Sachsenhausen, a concentration camp. He asked for, and had returned to him, two possessions dear to him – his Bible and his wedding ring. While he was in solitary confinement and not permitted to converse with anyone, the only sounds he heard were the outcries of men undergoing torture.

At home Else suffered a nervous breakdown. She and the seven children were expelled form the manse and were left with neither income nor accommodation.

Niemoeller was transferred in 1941 from Sachsenhausen to Dachau. Four years later, in April 1945, he was taken to northern Italy for execution. Three days later, American forces liberated the area and took Niemoeller in their care. They found him in poor condition – exhausted, scrawny and tubercular.

In June 1945 he was reunited with his wife. While struggling with his own personal trials he had supported thousands more with his letters, coming back again and again to the work given to God’s people through Joshua 1:9: “Be strong and of good courage: be not frightened, neither be dismayed. For the Lord your God is with you wherever you go.”

After the war Niemoeller continued to work on behalf of the devastated people of Germany. International honours were accorded him. Yet whenever asked how he wished to be introduced, he invariable replied, “I am a pastor.”

A few days before his death he remarked, “When I was young I felt I had to carry the gospel. Now that I am old I know that the gospel carries me.”

 

Victor Shepherd

 

Maximilian Kolbe (1894 – 1941)

Maximilian Kolbe

1894 –1941

 

Raymund Kolbe was born in a village outside Lodz , part of Poland ruled by Czarist Russia. (Since the 18th century Poland had been divided among Austria , Russia and Prussia .) His father scrabbled to feed the family through weaving, his mother through midwifery. Formal education was beyond the reach of all but the most affluent. Not surprisingly 70% of the people in Kolbe’s part of Poland were illiterate.

Kolbe’s parents were doing their best to “home school” their precocious youngster when a priest noticed the boy’s intellectual gifts and began teaching him Latin. The priest unearthed resources that moved Kolbe into a Russian school in Poland where the curriculum and ethos permitted only Russian history, culture and language.

Soon the Franciscan Order, ever alert to young men who might be called to the priesthood, had him studying at its seminary in Lwow. Here the young student was re-named “Maximilian” after the 3rd century Christian, a Roman citizen from Carthage , who had been martyred for insisting that obedience to Jesus Christ superseded obedience to the state.

Krakow was the next stop. Here Kolbe studied philosophy, journeying afterwards to Rome where he immersed himself in advance theology and philosophy at both the Gregorian College and the Franciscan.

While he was in Rome the first symptoms of tuberculosis, a disease that would torment him the rest of his life, appeared. His bodily ailment, however, disturbed him far less than the vulgar anti-Catholicism whose virulence was actually an obscene vilification of the Christian faith, of the Church, and of him who is Lord of Church and faith. Heartbroken rather than angry, he dedicated himself to the recovery of “converts” to unbelief who were avowedly hostile to the gospel. Like Loyola (founder of the Jesuit Order in the 16th century) before him who had begun with six Spaniards in fulfilment of a mission they owned together, Kolbe gathered seven young Poles who remained undeflectable in their “yes” to a vocation they couldn’t deny.

At the end of World War I the Treaty of Versailles restored Poland to nationhood. Without hindrance now Kolbe could teach philosophy and Church History in Krakow — in the Polish language. Aware, from his wide exposure to people in Rome, Poland, and Russian-occupied territories that the Church had to relinquish its religious “code words”, and aware as well that military chaplains had found combatants to be unacquainted with the elemental Christian truths despite their having been raised in “Christian” Europe, Kolbe decided to publish a magazine that would communicate the gospel in popular idiom. He begged on the streets until he had raised the start-up money. In January 1922 there appeared 5000 copies of the first edition of “Knight of the Immaculate.” It aimed at re-quickening gospel conviction in people who had deliberately or witlessly embraced secularism. Tirelessly he reiterated the motif that had threaded Wesley’s work 150 years earlier: none but the holy will be ultimately happy. In four years the magazine was printing 60,000 copies. (Eventually it would expand to 230,000. Nine different publications would appear, from a journal in Latin concerning the spiritual formation of priests to an illustrated sporting magazine.)

Young men, knowing that humanism held no future for them in the wake of the unprecedented “cultured” slaughter just concluded, flocked to the Franciscan Order as its conviction of the gospel and its vision of a Kingdom-infused society ignited them. While the “publishing community” had initially numbered two priests and seventeen lay brothers, it soon included thirteen priests and 762 brothers. It had “sprouted and grown, no one knowing how” (Mark 4:22 ) into the largest Roman Catholic ordered community in the world. Every member was accomplished in a trade or a profession, and thereby able to lend support through gainful employment. The men made their own clothes, built a cottage, provided physicians for a 100-bed hospital, and operated a food processing plant.

In September 1939 Germany invaded Poland from the west. Russia attacked from the west. Kolbe’s community was overrun with refugees. In it all he remained iron fast in his convictions: Truth is unbreakable and therefore we need not fear for it; evil, while undeniable on the macro scale (Nazism and Communism left no doubt), always had to be identified and resisted on the micro scale, for the evil “out there” also courses through every last individual human heart. The most significant battles in the universe occur there — as Solzhenitsyn was later to remind millions.

The Gestapo (German secret police) arrested Kolbe in February 1941. By May he was in Auschwitz . The “Final Solution” concerning Jewish people was still a year away. Until then Auschwitz was officially not an extermination camp but “merely” a forced labour camp whose force killed thousands nonetheless. First the inmates were dehumanized. When they had been rendered sub-human, guards felt justified in treating them like vermin. The dehumanization included identifying prisoners not by name but by number. Kolbe’s number, 16670, was tattooed into his arm. Priests especially were targeted, deemed to be only “layabouts and parasites.”

When a weakened Franciscan collapsed under his load, the tubercular Kolbe attempted to help. He was kicked repeatedly in the face, lashed 50 times, and left for dead. Recovering sufficiently to be reassigned, he used his paltry bread ration for celebrating mass. He helped a younger priest carry to the camp crematorium the mutilated bodies of those who had been tortured hideously. By now men were breaking down, throwing themselves on electrified fences or drowning themselves in latrines.

Occasionally someone managed to escape. Nazi response was swift and sure: for every inmate who escaped, ten would die slowly, agonizingly in underground, airless, concrete bunkers. On one occasion eight men had been selected when the ninth cried out that his wife and children would never see him again. Kolbe offered himself as substitute. He joined the other nine in the bunker. After two weeks four men remained alive, albeit semi-suffocated. They were injected with carbolic acid. Kolbe’s friends tried to spare his remains incineration. They failed, and had to watch the ashes blow over the countryside.

Years later, when Kolbe’s name was advanced as a candidate for canonization, Bishop Karol Wojtyla of Krakow (know today as Pope Paul II) was asked for a relic, a piece of a martyr’s body. He replied that all he could furnish was “a grain of Auschwitz soil.” In 1982 Kolbe was canonized a martyr-saint.

William Styron, author of Sophie’s Choice, has a character ask, “At Auschwitz , tell me, where was God?” Another character answers, “Where was man?” One man at least was at Auschwitz .

And after Auschwitz ? On the day of Kolbe’s canonization in St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome , Germans and Poles worshipped together in a service of reconciliation. One of the Poles was Franciszek Gajowniczek, the man whom Kolbe’s sacrifice had spared.

C. S. Lewis (1898 – 1963)

C.S. Lewis

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1898 – 1963

In the Trinity term of 1929 I gave in, and admitted that God was God, and knelt and prayed; perhaps, that night, the most dejected and reluctant convert in all England. I did not see then what is now the most shining and obvious thing: the divine humility which will accept a convert on even such terms.

So wrote Clive Staples Lewis of his conversion in his autobiography, Surprised By Joy. “Dejected” and “reluctant” were true only in the sense that “Jack” (as all his friends called him) was now “defeated,” having held out against God for years. As persistently as Lewis had marshalled arguments of every kind to confirm him in his agnosticism, the Hound of Heaven had crept ever closer. Possessed of an unusual ability in philosophy, Lewis finally admitted reluctantly that the rational case for God had better philosophical support than the case against God His intellect took him to the very doorway of faith. Then he stepped ahead in the simple surrender and trust which also characterize the least sophisticated of God’s children. Lewis was “surprised” by joy. The nagging, nameless longing that had haunted him for years and that he had tried alternately to satisfy and to deny now gave way to contentment. He had been looking for his answer in the wrong place.

Ten million copies of Lewis’s books have now been sold. Universities offer courses in his vision. Reading societies devoted to his works flourish. He is esteemed as an author of children’s stories as well as adult fiction; a poet; an essayist whose mind probed the entire range of human experience; a critic of English literature; a radio broadcaster. Yet he is best known to Christians as a thinker who argued compellingly for the reality of God and the truth of the gospel. His all-time bestseller, Mere Christianity, now fifty years old, continues to excite readers with the sheer grandeur, truth, and practicality of the Good News.

Not surprisingly, his childhood was unusual. Books overflowed everywhere in his Belfast home. When little more than an infant he read constantly in history, philosophy, and literature. His mother schooled him in French and Latin. A teacher soon added Greek. At age sixteen he was sent to a school that prepared youths for university scholarships. Here he was tutored six hours every day by an agnostic who insisted that the young student think. In the providence of God, it was this agnostic’s integrity that bore fruit for the Kingdom, for it was this training in reasoning that subsequently helped untold Christians obey the command to love God with their mind.

Lewis interrupted his studies at Oxford to serve in World War I in France. There he began reading Christian thinkers whose influence never left him, men such as George Macdonald, a Scottish poet and essayist, and G.K. Chesterton, a Roman Catholic. Concerning his reading of such men Lewis later wrote, tongue-in-cheek, “A young man who wishes to remain a sound atheist cannot be too careful of his reading. There are traps everywhere . . . God is, if I may say it, very unscrupulous.”

While probing the world of literature he saw that the literary figures whose intellectual rigour he most esteemed – the great English poets Milton and Spenser, for instance — were believers. On the other hand, well-known literary figures whose work struck him as less substantial (Voltaire, H.G. Wells, George Bernard Shaw) were unbelievers. These latter “seemed a little thin; what we boys called ‘tinny’ . . . they were too simple.”

Zealous articulation of Christian truth was a rarity at Oxford, and an oddity as well. Lewis quickly became the butt of taunts and jibes. Yet no fair-minded academic could deny his intellectual power. The result was that Lewis’s reputation as a scholar and teacher inside university circles and his readership outside swelled alike.

A layman himself, Lewis was always concerned chiefly with expounding the historic Christian faith, that “deposit” (1 Tim. 6:20) of the gospel that had endured the acids of contempt, the dilution of shallow clergy and the distortion of heresy. Only the “faith once for all delivered to the saints” (Jude 3) would ever save.

A bachelor for most of his life, the fifty-eight years old Lewis surprised many when he married Joy Davidman. She had been raised by secularized Jewish parents, had entered university when only fourteen, and then had found her hard-bitten Marxist atheism yielding to the gospel. When a newspaper reporter asked her to describe her coming-to-faith she replied simply, “How does one gather the ocean into a teacup?” Her quick mind rendered her and Lewis soul-mates. “No corner of her mind or body remained unexplored,” he wrote in his anguish following her death. The death came as no surprise – he had known she was terminally ill when her married her. Nonetheless, he believed that God had given them to each other. His mourning found expression in A Grief Observed, a book that continues to bind up the brokenhearted.

A man whose humility was as genuine as his intellect was vast, Lewis knew that discipleship is a matter of faithfulness in the undramatic episodes of life: support for an alcoholic brother, patience with a querulous housekeeper, diligence in answering even silly-sounding correspondence – not to mention living off as little of his income as possible in order to give the remainder away.

C.S. Lewis died on the same day as did President John F. Kennedy and author Aldous Huxley. News of their deaths displaced his. Yet in the upside-down Kingdom of God, his significance remains inestimable.

Victor Shepherd

William Edwin Sangster (1900 – 1960)

William Edwin Sangster

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1900 — 1960

Never taken to a place of worship for the first eight years of his life, Sangster found his way into an inner-city London Methodist mission where he happily attended Sunday School for years. When he was twelve a sensitive teacher gently asked him if he wanted to become a disciple of Jesus Christ. “I spluttered out my little prayer”, he wrote years later. “It had one merit. I meant it.”

From that moment the gospel of Jesus Christ absorbed Sangster for life. Subordinate only to it was an obsession with recovering Methodist conviction and expression. Never possessed of a sectarian spirit, never a denominational chauvinist, he yet believed ardently that Methodism’s uniquenesses were essential to the spiritual health of Britain and to the well-being of the church catholic.

Military service followed, then studies in theology (with distinction in philosophy), and finally ordination. Short-term pastorates in Wales and northern England exposed him as a daring innovator and startling preacher. Never afraid of (apparent) failure, he was willing to try anything to reach the indifferent and the hostile. (Church-attendance in Britain had peaked in 1898, declining every year thereafter.) His first book, God Does Guide Us, paved the way for the second, Methodism Can Be Born Again. Now his alarm, even horror, at the careless squandering of the Wesleyan heritage was evident as he pleaded with his people and sought to draw them to the wellsprings of their denomination.

The outbreak of World War II found him senior minister at Westminster Central Hall, the “cathedral” of Methodism. The sanctuary, seating 3000, was full morning and evening for the next 16 years as Sangster customarily preached 30 to 45 minutes. As deep and sturdy below ground as Central Hall was capacious above, its basement became an air-raid shelter as soon as the German assault began. The first night was indescribable as thousands squeezed in, high-born and low, adult and infant, sober and drunk, clean and lousy. Equally adept at administration and preaching, Sangster quickly laid out the cavernous cellar in sandbagged “streets” so as to afford minimal privacy to those who particularly needed it. Sunday services continued upstairs in the sanctuary. A red light in the pulpit warned that an air-raid was imminent. Usually he chose to ignore it. If it were drawn to his attention he would pause and say quietly, “Those of a nervous disposition may leave now” — and resume the service. While his wife sought to feed the hordes who appeared nightly, he assisted and comforted them until midnight, then “retired” to work until 2:00 a.m. on his Ph.D thesis for London University. (The degree was awarded in 1943.) As space in the below-ground shelter was scarce, he and his family lived at great risk — a Times reporter interviewed him for his obituary! — for five years on the hazardous ground floor. They slept nightly in the men’s washroom amidst the sound of incessant drips and the malodorous smells. By war’s end 450,000 people had found refuge in the church-basement.

In 1949 Sangster was elected president of the Methodist Conference of Great Britain. The denomination’s leader now, he announced the twofold agenda he would drive relentlessly: evangelism and spiritual deepening. He knew that while the Spirit alone ultimately brings people to faith in Jesus Christ, the witness of men and women is always the context of the Spirit’s activity. By means of addresses, workshops and books he strove to equip his people for the simple yet crucial task of inviting others to join them on the Way. The second item of his agenda was not new for him, but certainly new to Methodist church-members who had never been exposed to Wesleyan distinctives. He longed to see lukewarm pew-sitters aflame with that oceanic Love which bleaches sin’s allure and breaks sin’s grip and therefore scorches and saves in the same instant. He coveted for his people a whole-soulled, self-oblivious, horizon-filling immersion in the depths of God and in the suffering of their neighbours.

In all of this he continued to help both lay preachers and ordained as books poured from his pen: The Craft of the Sermon, The Approach to Preaching, Power in Preaching. Newspapers delighted in his quotableness: “a nation of pilferers”, “tinselled harlots”, “the pus-point of sin”. Yet his popularity was never won at the expense of intellectual profundity. The ablest student in philosophy his seminary had seen, he yet modestly lamented that Methodism lacked a world-class exponent of philosophical theology — even as he himself appeared on an American “phone-in” television program where questions on the philosophy of religion had to be answered without prior preparation. Ever the evangelist at heart, he rejoiced to learn that two million viewers had seen the show.

Numerous engagements on behalf of international Methodism took him around the world and several times to America. While lecturing in Texas he had difficulty swallowing and walking. The problem was diagnosed as progressive muscular atrophy, an incurable neurological disease. His wife took him to the famous neurological clinic in Freudenstadt, Germany — but to no avail.

His last public communication was an anguished note scribbled to the chief rabbi as a wave of antisemitism engulfed Britain in January 1960. Toward the end he could do no more than raise the index finger of his right hand. He died on May 24th, “Wesley Day”, cherished as the date of Wesley’s “heart strangely warmed” at Aldersgate with the subsequent spiritual surge on so many fronts.

Everything about him — his philosophical rigour, his fervour in preaching, his affinity with saints who had drawn unspeakably near to the heart of God, his homespun writings (Lord,Teach Us To Pray), his genuine affection for all sorts and classes — it all served one passion and it was all gathered up in one simple line of Charles Wesley, Methodism’s incomparable hymn-writer:

“O let me commend my saviour to you.”

 

Victor Shepherd

 

Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906 – 1945)

Dietrich Bonhoeffer

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1906 – 1945


When his paternal grandmother was ninety-one years old she walked defiantly through the cordon that brutal stormtroopers had thrown up around Jewish shops. His maternal grandmother, a gifted pianist, had been a pupil of the incomparable Franz Liszt. His mother was the daughter of a world-renowned historian; his father, a physician, was chief of Neurology and Psychiatry at Berlin’s major hospital. All of these currents – courage in the face of terrible danger, rare musical talents, and world-class scholarship – flowed together in Dietrich Bonhoeffer.

Since his family was religiously indifferent, family members were startled and amused – then incredulous – when Bonhoeffer announced at the age of fourteen that he was going to be a pastor and theologian. His older brother (soon to be a distinguished physicist) tried to deflect him, arguing that the church was weak, silly, irrelevant and unworthy of any young man’s lifelong commitment. “If the church is really what you say it is,” replied the youngster soberly, “then I shall have to reform it.” Soon he began his university studies in theology at Tuebingen and completed them at Berlin. His doctoral dissertation exposed his brilliance on a wider front and introduced him to internationally-known scholars.

In 1930 Bonhoeffer went to the United States as a guest of its best-known seminary. He was dismayed at the frivolity with which American students approached theology. Unable to remain silent any longer, he informed the pastors-to-be, “At this liberal seminary the students sneer at the fundamentalists in America, when all the while the fundamentalists know far more of the truth and grace, mercy and judgement of God.”

A gifted scholar and professor, Bonhoeffer remained a pastor at heart. By 1933 he had left university teaching behind and was a pastor to two German-speaking congregations in London, England. By now the life-and-death struggle for the church in Germany was under way. Did the church live from the gospel only, or could the church lend itself to the state in order to reinforce the ideology of the state? Bonhoeffer argued that the latter would render the church no church at all. An older professor of theology who had conformed to Nazi ideology in order to keep his job commented, “It is a great pity that our best hope in the faculty is being wasted on the church struggle.” As the struggle intensified, it was noticed that Bonhoeffer’s sermons became more comforting, more confident of God’s victory, and more defiant. The struggle was between the national church (which supported Hitler) and the “confessing” church, called such because it confessed that there could be only one Fuehrer or leader for Christians, and it was not Hitler. Lutheran bishops remained silent in the hope of preserving institutional unity, while most pastors fearfully whispered that there was no need to play at being confessing heroes. In the face of such ministerial cowardice Bonhoeffer warned his colleagues that they ought not to pursue converting Hitler; what they had to ensure was that they were converted themselves. An Anglican bishop who know him well in England was later to write of him, “He was crystal-clear in his convictions; and young as he was, and humble-minded as he was, he saw the truth and spoke it with complete absence of fear.” Bonhoeffer himself wrote to a friend about this time, “Christ is looking down at us and asking whether there is anyone who still confesses him.”

Leadership in the confessing church was desperately needed. Bonhoeffer returned to Germany in order to teach at an underground seminary at Finkenwald, near Berlin. Not one of the university faculties of theology had sided with the confessing church. Bonhoeffer commented tersely, “I have long ceased to believe in the universities.”

A pacifist early in the war, Bonhoeffer came to see that Hitler would have to be removed. He joined with several high-ranking military officers who were secretly opposed to Hitler and who planned to assassinate him. The plot was discovered in April, 1943. Bonhoeffer would spend the rest of his life – the next two years – in prison. Underground plans were in place to help him escape when it was learned that his brother Klaus, a lawyer, had been arrested. Bonhoeffer declined to escape lest his family be punished. (He was never to know that his brother was executed in any case, along with Hans von Dohnanyi, his brother-in-law.)

Bonhoeffer always knew that it is where we are, by God’s providence, that we are to exercise the ministry God has given us. His ministry henceforth was an articulation and embodiment of gospel-comfort to fellow-prisoners awaiting execution. Captain Payne Best, an Englishman, survived to bear tribute to the prison-camp pastor: “Bonhoeffer was different, just quite calm and normal, seemingly perfectly at his ease. . . . His soul really shone in the dark desperation of our prison. He was one of the very few men I have ever met to whom God was real and ever close to him.”

Bonhoeffer was removed from the prison and taken to Flossenburg, an extermination camp in the Bavarian forest. On April 9, three weeks before American forces liberated Flossenburg, he was executed. Today the tree from which he was hanged bears a plaque with only ten words inscribed on it: Dietrich Bonhoeffer, a witness to Jesus Christ among his brethren.

Victor Shepherd

 

Ronald A. Ward (1908 – 1986)

Ronald A. Ward

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1908 – 1986

A Tribute to a Spiritual Mentor

Ronald Ward looked at me warmly as he said earnestly, “As you know, Victor, the worst consequence of sin is more sin.” Our conversation in his living room continued to unfold throughout the afternoon. Just before I headed home he remarked in the same gentle, natural manner, “As you know, Victor, the worst consequence of prayerlessness is the inability to pray.”

While Protestants are sceptical of the aura that is said to surround the saints, I knew that I was in the presence of someone luminous with the Spirit of God. In his gracious way this dear saint generously assumed my spiritual stature to be the equal of his. It wasn’t and I knew it. Yet before him I ached to be possessed of that Reality to which he was so wonderfully transparent. Smiling kindly upon me he remarked, on another occasion in the midst of a different conversation, “If we fear God we shall never have to be afraid of him.” His unselfconscious profundity was steeped in the deepest intimacy of his life: his immersion in the God who had incarnated himself for our salvation in Jesus Christ.

Ward was a British-born Anglican clergyman, a classics scholar-turned-New Testament scholar. (He was awarded his Ph.D degree for his thesis, “The Aristotelian Element in the Philosophical Vocabulary of the New Testament.”) Upon emigrating to Canada he was professor of New Testament at Wycliffe College, University of Toronto, from 1952 to 1963. He wrote a dozen books. Long before I knew him, long before I began my own studies in theology, I heard my father speak admiringly of him. In the late 1950s Ward had preached at a noon-hour Lenten service in St.James Anglican Cathedral, Toronto, for downtown business people. My father came home astonished at Ward’s scholarship and aglow over the authenticity with which Ward spoke of his life in his Lord. On my 24th birthday my mother (now a widow) gave me one of his books, Hidden Meaning in the New Testament. The book explored the theological significance of Greek grammar.

Dull? Does grammar have to be dull? I read his discussion of verb tenses, imperative and subjunctive moods, prepositions, compound verbs; his discussion illustrated the truth and power of the gospel on page after page. Greek grammar now glinted and gleamed with the radiance of God himself. Insights startling and electrifying illuminated different aspects of Christian discipleship and inflamed my zeal every time I thought about them.

One gem had to do with the two ways in which the Greek language expresses an imperative. (The two ways are the present tense and the aorist subjunctive.) If I utter the English imperative, “Don’t run!”, I can mean either, “You are running now and you must stop” or, “You aren’t running now and you mustn’t start.” When two different gospel-writers refer to the Ten Commandments, one uses one form of the Greek imperative to express “Thou shalt not” while the other gospel-writer uses the other form. One says, “You are constantly violating the command of God and you must stop.” The other says, “Right now you aren’t violating the command of God and you mustn’t begin.” Both truths are needed in the Christian life; both are highlighted by means of grammatical precision.

Ward left the University of Toronto and found his way to a small Anglican congregation in Saint John, N.B. By now (1970) I was in Tabusintac, N.B., a 400-mile roundtrip away. Several times I sat before him, Greek testament in hand, asking him about grammatical points that had me stymied. What did I gain from my visits? Vastly more than lessons in grammar; I gained an exposure to a godliness I had seen nowhere else, a godliness that was natural, unaffected, real.

Any point in grammar Ward illustrated from the Christian life. One day I asked him about two verses in Mark where Jesus says, “If your hand causes you to stumble, cut it off; if your eye causes you to stumble, pluck it out.” The verb is skandalizein, to cause to stumble. But in the space of a few verses Mark uses two different tenses: one tense suggests completed action in the past, one occurrence only; the other tense suggests an ongoing phenomenon. When I asked Ward about it he said, “Victor, in a moment of carelessness or spiritual inattentiveness or outright folly the Christian can be overtaken by sin. Horrified he says, `Never again!’, and it’s done with. And then there’s the Christian’s besetting temptation with which he has to struggle every day.”

While Ward spent most of his adult life as either professor in a seminary or pastor of a small congregation, he was always an evangelist at heart. He conducted preaching missions to large crowds on every continent. Despite his exposure to large crowds he always knew of the need to sound the note of the gospel-summons to first-time faith within the local congregation. His conviction is reflected in the concluding paragraph of his book, Royal Theology. Here Ward speaks of the conscientious minister who prepares throughout the week that utterance which is given him to declare on Sunday. Such a minister, says Ward,

“should find that his congregation is not only literally sitting in front of him but is figuratively behind him. When he speaks of Christ there will be an answering note in the hearts of those who have tasted that the Lord is gracious. When he mentions the wrath of God they will be with him in remembering that they too were once under wrath and by the mercy of God have been delivered…. When he speaks of the word of the cross they will welcome the open secret of the means of their salvation. And when he gives an invitation to sinners to come to Christ, they will create the warm and loving atmosphere which is the fitting welcome for one who is coming home.”

Ronald Ward’s thinking invariably converged on the cross and his life always radiated from it. Thanks to him this is all I want for myself. Nothing more, nothing less, nothing else.

Victor Shepherd
March 1998

 

Mother Teresa (1910 – 1997)

Mother Teresa

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1910 –

She was born in Yugoslavia in the year 1910. Her name at birth was Agnes Gonxha Bejahiu. In early adult life she knew herself called of God to be a nun. Following her education at Loretto Abbey in Ireland she was posted to Calcutta. Her first assignment was to teach high school geography. She remained at this school as principal for several years.

At the age of thirty-six Mother Teresa became aware of what she speaks of as a “call within a call.” She now knew herself seized and summoned to work on behalf of “the poorest of the poor.” It was not the “ordinary poor” – those who could still beg, wheedle, or even thieve – whom she was called to serve. Rather, it was those whose situation was even more wretched: the dying destitute, the leper, the person whose sores are loathsome, and the most helpless and vulnerable of all, the abandoned baby.

She set about acquiring intensive nursing training. Two years later, the authorities in Rome released her from the Loretto order. At age thirty-eight she stepped out into her new life. She was all too aware that her activity would appear pathetically insignificant in the midst of the one million people who sleep, defecate and die on the pavement of Calcutta.

Many things sustain her. Her vocation – her calling – is one of them. Another is her conviction that the wretchedness all around her is the “distressing disguise” her Lord wears. (The festering wounds she and her sisters dress are to her the wounds of Jesus; every dirty infant is the Bethlehem baby who was born in conditions less than sanitary.) She is sustained too by her devotional discipline. Awake at 4:00a.m., she and her sisters pray until 6:30. Every morning there is a celebration of Holy Communion. Mother Teresa insists that if she did not first meet her Lord at worship and in the sacrament she could never see him in the most wretched of the earth.

The workday ends at 7:30 p.m. when sisters gather again for prayer. Midnight frequently finds the little woman still on her feet.

Several years ago she came across an emaciated man near death on the sidewalk. No hospital would admit him. She took him home. Soon she had gained access to an ancient Hindu temple which she turned into her ‘home for dying destitutes.” To this home the sisters bring the seventy- and eighty-pound adults who would otherwise die on the street. When Westerners scoff at the so-called band-aid treatment she gives to these people she replies, “No one, however sick, however repulsive, should have to die alone.” Then she tells whoever will listen how these people, with nothing to give and with a past which should, by all human reckoning, embitter them forever, will smile and say “Thank you” – and then die at peace. For her, enabling an abandoned person to die within sight of a loving face is something possessing eternal significance.

Of what worth, then, are the cast-off babies the sisters pick up out of garbage cans, railway stations and the gutter? Mother Teresa quietly asks, “Are there too many flowers, too many stars in the sky?”

When the stench from running ulcers embarrasses even a sick person himself as a Sister of Charity cares for him, the sister smiles as she reassures him, “of course it smells. But compared to your suffering, the smell is nothing.”

Mother Teresa reminds Christians of all persuasions of how readily we are infected with the narcissism (“me-only-ism”) of our age and with its preoccupation with ease. She forces us to face up to those New Testament passages that insist Jesus Christ is to be found in the sick and the poor, the vulnerable and the victimized (Matt. 25). Simply to think of her is to hear anew what Jesus maintains is the truth: We cannot turn our back on the wretched of the earth without turning our back on him.

Her diminutive body and her vast work (the Sister of Charity are now in 25 cities in India and in 26 countries throughout the world) illumine and magnify a glorious text of St. Paul: “For while we live we are always being given up to death for Jesus’ sake, so that the life of Jesus may be manifested in our mortal flesh. So death is at work in us, but life in you” (2 Cor. 4:11,12). In her disease-ridden environment she is plainly courting death. Yet because it is for Jesus’ sake that she is being given up to death, the life of the Risen One himself is manifested in her. And in a stunning paradox, the life of the Risen One is also manifested in the weakened men and women who are only hours from death themselves.

Mother Teresa and her sisters have proven once more what our society has yet to learn: a preoccupation with comfort does not produce comfort! Rather, we are comforted ourselves, as Paul insists in another paradox, only as we compound our suffering with the suffering of others. For in doing this we share in Christ’s suffering and therefore know the comfort only the victorious one himself can impart (2 Cor. 2).

Now eighty years old, yet as resolute as she is wizened, Mother Teresa continues to live and work in the slums of Calcutta, certain that God will permit her to die with the people she has lived among and loved for over forty years. In their fragile humanity she has discerned and embraced the Fragile One himself by whose wretchedness the world was redeemed and through whose risen life fellow-suffers are made alive forever more.

 

 

Jacques Ellul (1912 – 1996)

Jacques Ellul

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1912 – 1994

The Frenchman’s life has continued to exemplify the manner in which the gospel frees us from convention and conformity and liberates us for a radical engagement with God and the world. A member of the underground resistance in France during the Nazi occupation, Ellul startled fellow-citizens at war’s end by acting as lawyer on behalf of the very collaborators who would have tortured and killed him had they uncovered him during hostilities. The reason he gave was that collaborators were being treated as savagely in peacetime camps as the Nazis had treated wartime resisters. An appreciative, life-long student of Marx, he yet repudiated communism: “under a facade of justice, it is worse than everything which preceded it”. A diligent member of ecumenical committees and associations, he laments that national and international councils achieve pathetically little. “This is not at all the equivalent of Pentecost”. His father was a sceptic and his mother a non-churchgoer, yet as a ten year-old Ellul came upon the pronouncement of Jesus, “I will make you fishers of men”. He spoke of it as a “personal utterance” which “foretold an event”. Shunning exhibitionism and therefore loath to publicize the details of his conversion, he nonetheless states that it was “violent” as he fled the God who had revealed himself to him. “I realized that God had spoken, but I didn’t want him to have me. I wanted to remain master of my life”.

Ellul was born among the dockworker families of Bordeaux. He distinguished himself at school. When his family needed money the sixteen year-old tutored in Latin, French, Greek and German. (His students were only ten!) At eighteen he read Karl Marx’s major work, Das Kapital, and for the rest of his life regarded Marx’s analysis of the power of money as more accurate than any other. At the same time he saw that Marx had nothing to say about the human condition. Revelation is needed for this. As a result he has been found himself unable to eliminate either Marx or scripture, and has continued to live with this tension.

Ellul claims he has been helped enormously in his discipleship by two soul-fast friends, one an atheist and the other a believer. The militant atheist has kept him honest by showing that Christians have tended to betray precisely what Jesus Christ is and brings. His believer-friend, “a Christian of incredible authenticity”, has supported and encouraged him when dispirited. “Every time his apartment door opened upon his smile it was, in my worst moments of distress, like a door opening onto truth and affection”.

In the years following the war he continued to lecture in law even as he was appointed Professor of the History and Sociology of Institutions. Through his work in this latter field he has seen that technology afflicts twentieth-century life as nothing else does. By technology he doesn’t mean mechanization or automation. (He has never suggested that a horse is preferable to an automobile.) Rather he means the uncritical exaltation of efficiency. If something can be done efficiently then these efficient means will be deployed without regard for the truth of God or the human good. Illustrations abound. One need only think of the proliferation of abortions in the wake of more efficient abortion-techniques — at the same time, of course, that fertility-enhancement is the cutting edge of medical research!

Ellul has angered many who glibly believe in inevitable human progress, and frustrated the same people when they have found him unanswerable. Propaganda, he insists, seduces people into consenting unthinkingly to the exaltation of efficiency; the mass media are the tools of propaganda — and it all creates the illusion that people are free and creative when in fact they are mind-numbingly conformed and enslaved.

Two parallel columns of books have poured from his pen: one a thorough-going sociological analysis which speaks to secularists turned off by pietistic cliches, the other a biblical exploration for earnest Christians who want to discern the Word of God in its vigour amidst the world’s illusions and distresses. The Technological Society and The Meaning of the City represent the two aspects of his mature thought.

Ellul has always insisted that the self-utterance and “seizure” of the living God frees individuals from their conformity to a world which blinds and binds, even as it renders them to useful to God and world on behalf of that kingdom which cannot be shaken. Not surprisingly, Ellul has continued to magnify the place of prayer, contending that as we pray God fashions a genuine future for humankind; indeed, God’s future is the only future, all other “futures” being but a dressed-up repetition of the Fall.

When moved at the bleakness of destitute juvenile delinquents, the university professor befriended and assisted them for years, seeking to render them “positively maladjusted” to their society. He wanted them to be profoundly helpful to it without adopting it. He has urged as much in interviews, sermons and the forty books and several hundred articles he has written. In them all he has reflected his most elemental conviction: God’s judgement exposes the world’s bondage and illusion for what they are, even as God’s mercy fashions that new creation which is the ground of radical human hope.

An old man now, Ellul insists the most important thing about him is his witness to Jesus Christ. “Perhaps through my words or my writing, someone met this saviour, the only one, the unique one, beside whom all human projects are childishness; then, if this has happened, I will be fulfilled, and for that, glory to God alone”.

Victor A. Shepherd
August 1992

(Illustration by Marta Lynne Scythes)

 

Thomas Torrance (1913 – )

Thomas Torrance

1913 —

Torrance is the weightiest living theologian in the English-speaking world. His written output is prodigious. Prior to his retirement in 1979 he had authored, edited or translated 360 items; 250 have swelled his curriculum vitae since.

Born to Scottish missionaries in China, Torrance received his early education from Canadians who schooled “mish-kids” in accordance with Province of Ontario standards (and found, when political upheaval sent the 14-year old’s family home, that he was woefully deficient in Latin and Greek.)

While still an undergraduate he developed the discerning, analytical assessment of major theologians that would mark him for life. He noticed, for instance, that Schleiermacher, the progenitor of modern liberal theology (“liberal” meaning that the world’s self-understanding is the starting point and controlling principle of the church’s understanding of the faith) forced Jesus of Nazareth into an ideational mould utterly foreign to that of prophet and apostle. The result was that Schleiermacher’s “theology” was little more than the world talking to itself.

Torrance’s mother gave him a copy of Credo, Karl Barth’s exposition of the Apostles’ Creed. The book confirmed Torrance in a conviction that was gaining strength within him and would find expression in everything he wrote; namely, the method of investigating any subject is mandated by the nature of the subject under investigation. Since the nature of microbes differs from the nature of stars, the methods of microbiology and astronomy differ accordingly. Theology too is “scientific” in this sense, as the nature of the subject, the living God who overtakes a wayward creation in Christ Jesus his Son, “takes over” our understanding and forges within us categories for understanding his salvific work and a vocabulary for speaking of it. To say the same thing differently, the nature of what we apprehend supplies us with the manner and means of apprehending it. Therefore we come to know God not by “educated guesswork” or by projecting the best in our culture or by speculating philosophically; we come to know God as God includes us in his knowing (and correcting) us in Christ Jesus.

An academic prize transported Torrance to Basel. There he studied under Barth, the only Protestant theologian of our century whom the Roman Catholic Church as recognized as doctor ecclesiae, a teacher of the church universal. Auburn Seminary in upstate New York conscripted him to teach theology, only to have him resign two years later when he saw that world war was inevitable. Upon returning to Scotland he served as a parish minister until enlisting in the British Army for service in Italy. On numerous battlefields he was horrified to find dying 20-year olds, raised in Christian homes and Sunday Schools, who knew much about Jesus but connected none of it with God. What they knew about Jesus was unrelated to a hidden “God” lurking behind the Nazarene and remaining forever unknowable. Now their last hours found them comfortless. Torrance realized that the truth of the Incarnation — Jesus Christ is God himself coming among us and living our frailty and the consequences of our sin — was a truth largely unknown in the church, however much the church spoke of the Master or reveled in Christmas. From this moment Torrance knew his life-work to be that of the theologian who rethinks rigorously the “faith once for all delivered to the saints”. (Jude 3) He would spend the rest of his life fortifying preachers and pastors, missionaries and evangelists who had been summoned to labour on behalf of God’s people.

Ten years of parish work prepared him for a professorship at the University of Edinburgh. Appointed at first to teach church history, Torrance soon occupied the chair of “Christian Dogmatics”, dogmatics being the major doctrines that constitute the essential building blocks of the Christian faith. His reputation in this field recommended him as successor to Barth upon the Swiss giant’s retirement — even as political chicanery in the Swiss church and civil government scotched the placement.

 Torrance’s contribution to the church’s theological understanding is huge. He introduced Barth to the English-speaking world. He apprised the Western Church, both Roman and Reformed, of the importance of the early Eastern Church Fathers, especially Athanasius. He grasped the theological genius of Calvin in a way that few others have and Calvin’s 17th century successors did not. Yet perhaps it is in the field of science that Torrance has most profoundly made his mark. While thoroughly schooled in arts and theology, Torrance spent fifteen years working relentlessly to acquaint himself with the logic of science and with contemporary physics. Two scientific affiliations have admitted him in recognition of his sophistication in this discipline.

In discussing the Incarnation, “the Word made flesh”, Torrance points out that logos, the Greek word for “word”, also means rationality or intelligibility. It means the inner principle of a thing, how a thing works. To say that Jesus is the logos of God is to say that Jesus embodies the rationality of God himself. The apostle John (John 1:1-18) insists both that Jesus Christ is the logos Incarnate and that everything was made through the word. Therefore the realm of nature that science investigates was made through the logos. Then the inner principle of God’s mind and being, the rationality of God himself, has been imprinted indelibly on the creation. In short, thanks to creation through the word, there is engraved upon all of nature a rationality, an intelligibility, that reflects the rationality of the Creator’s own mind.

Science is possible at all, Torrance saw, only because there is a correlation between patterns intrinsic to the scientist’s mind and intelligible patterns embodied in the physical world. Just because scientists themselves and the realm of nature have been created alike through the logos or word, the intelligibility inherent in nature and the intelligibility inherent in the structures of human knowing “match up.”

It all means that however much we may come to know of science, our scientific knowledge will never contradict the truth and reality of Jesus Christ; our scientific knowledge will never take us farther from God.

This is not to say that physics and chemistry and biology yield a knowledge of God. God alone can acquaint us with himself. But it is to say, Torrance exulted, that once we have come to know God through intimate acquaintance with the Creator-Incarnate, and as we continue to probe the splendour of the creation, we shall shout with the psalmist, “The heavens are telling the glory of God, and the firmament proclaims his handiwork.” (Psalm 19:1)

Victor Shepherd
August 2000

 

Oscar Romero (1917 — 1980)

Oscar Romero

1917 – 1980

Never shall I forget the energy, zeal, knowledge and joy of the small, slender man with flashing eyes and winsome smile whom I heard speak on the University of Toronto campus in 1977. Neither could I know that I was face-to-face with someone who had been appointed, like Stephen before him, to see Jesus standing (Acts 7:56 ) as the risen Lord honours yet another martyr.

Oscar Romero was born in Ciudad Barrios, a small town in El Salvador . Longing to be a priest, he left home at fourteen as his horse picked its way to San Miguel, seven hours away, where he could begin preparing himself for his vocation.

Ordained in Rome in 1942, he was appointed in 1967 as Secretary General of the National Bishops’ Conference. His ecclesiastical career was on track. In the twenty-five years of his priesthood Vatican II (1962-65), with its plea for aggiornamento (renewal), had not impressed him. He supported the arrangement whereby the Church kept the masses credulous and docile while the aristocracy exploited them and the military enforced it all.

Coffee had been planted in El Salvador in 1828. International demand soon found private interests commandeering vast tracts of arable land while expelling subsistence farmers. By 1920 the landowning class comprised fourteen families. Dislocated peasants were now either rural serfs or urban wretched, in any case trying to live on black beans and tortillas. One-half of one per cent of the population owned 90% of the country’s wealth.

In 1932, 30,000 people died in the first uprising. Aboriginals were executed in clumps of sixty. The Te Deum was sung in the cathedral in gratitude for the suppression of “communism.” In no time El Salvador was known as yet another “security state”, a totalitarian arrangement that suspended human rights and slew internal “enemies” at will. Supporting a policy of “peace at any price”, Romero, now editor of the archdiocesan magazine Orientacion, contradicted the previous editor who had cried out against social injustice. Romero focussed on alcoholism, drug-addiction and pornography.

Then there occurred the event whose aftershocks are still reverberating through much of the world: the Council of Latin American Bishops in Medellin ( Columbia ), 1968. The Jesuits had declared their “option for the poor”, and had articulated a cogent theology that voiced their vision. They believed their theology to arise from confidence in the apostles’ witness that the Kingdom of God has come and needs to be leant visibility. A teaching order, the Jesuits schooled their students convincingly as Romero equivocated, apparently supporting “liberating education” while declaiming against “demagoguery and Marxism.”

In 1975 the National Guard raided Tres Calles, a village in Romero’s diocese. (By now he was bishop of Santiago de Maria.) The early-morning attack hacked people apart with machetes as it rampaged from house to house, ostensibly searching for concealed weapons. The event catalyzed Romero. At the funeral for the victims Romero’s sermon condemned the violation of human rights. Privately he wrote the president of El Salvador , naively thinking that a major clergyman’s objection would carry weight.

His “turn” (such an about-face scripture calls “repentance”) accelerated. Plainly the church was at a crucial point in the history of its relationship to the Salvadoran people. Would it help move them past an oppressive feudalism or retrench, thereby strengthening the hand of the oppressor?

When Romero was promoted as Archbishop of San Salvador, the capital city, the ruling alliance intensified its opposition. Six priests were arrested and deported to Guatemala . One of them remarked that the church finally was where it was supposed to be: with the people, surrounded by the wolves. Romero’s first task as archbishop was grim: he had to bury dozens whom soldiers had machine-gunned when 50,000 protesters demonstrated against rigged elections.

By now Romero had turned all the way “around the corner.” Summoning priests to his residence (he had moved out of the Episcopal palace and was bunking in a hospital for indigents) he told them he required no further evidence or argumentation: he knew what the gospel required of church leaders in the face of the people’s misery. All priests were to afford sanctuary to those threatened by government hounds.

Immediately the “hounds” sent a message to Romero as Rutilio Grande, a Jesuit friend who had struggled to implement Vatican II reforms, was gunned down in his jeep, together with an old man and sixteen year-old boy. Undeterred, Romero prayed publicly at length beside his friend’s remains, and then buried all three corpses without first securing government permission – a criminal offence. Next he did the unthinkable: he excommunicated the murderers. In a dramatic gesture he cancelled all services the following Sunday except for a single mass in front of the cathedral, conducted outdoors before 100,000 people. When he went to Rome to explain himself, the pope replied, “Coraggio – courage.” Courage? Rightwing groups were leafleting the nation, “Be a patriot: kill a priest.”

Reprisals intensified. In one village anyone found possessing a bible or hymnbook was arrested, later to be shot or dismembered. Four foreign Jesuits were tortured, their ravaged bodies dumped in neighbouring Guatemala . Thousands of people disappeared without trace. In all of this Romero never backed down: Christ is King just because he brings his Kingdom with him, and in their discernment of this reality Christians must be “fellow workers in the truth”(3rd John 3) in anticipation of “new heavens and a new earth in which righteousness dwells.”(2nd Peter 3:13)

Romero insisted that he had not warped the gospel into a program of social dismantling, let alone malicious social chaos. He criticized priests who wanted to reduce the gospel to political protest without remainder. He deplored protesters’ violence, even as he admitted they were victims of long-standing institutional violence.

International recognition mounted. 1978, 118 members of Britain’s House of Commons nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize (awarded that year to Mother Teresa of Calcutta.) The Louvain , a prestigious Roman Catholic university in Belgium , gave him an honorary doctorate.

Knowing himself to be on the government’s “hit list,” he went to the hills to prepare himself for his final confrontation with evil. He telephoned his farewell message to Exclesior , Mexico ’s premier newspaper, insisting that like the Good Shepherd, a pastor must give his life for those he loves.

Romero was shot while conducting mass at the funeral of a friend’s mother. His assassin escaped in the hubbub and has never been found. 250,000 thronged the Cathedral Square for his funeral. A bomb exploded. Panic-stricken people stampeded. Forty died. In the next two years 35,000 Salvadorans perished. Fifteen per cent of the population was driven into exile. Two thousand simply “disappeared.”

In 1983 Pope John Paul II prayed at Romero’s grave, and then appointed as national archbishop the only Salvadoran bishop to attend Romero’s funeral. The message was plain. The pope had given his imprimatur to all that Romero had exemplified.

He has been recommended for recognition as a “saint.” All Christendom awaits his canonization.

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (1918 – )

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn

1918 —

The horror tests comprehension: citizens sentenced to internal exile, incarceration, systematic starvation, torture and death on account of casual comment; secret police calling on people who have lived for years in dread of a pre-dawn knock on the door; orphaned children roaming city streets in packs as conscienceless, desperate and dangerous as wild hyenas bent on survival; men sentenced to lethal labour in Siberia, never to be heard from or heard of again, because they had visited the west; prisoners of war who had survived Nazi death camps and thereafter had to be assigned to Soviet camps since their wartime P.O.W. experience had given them a taste of the “finer things” of bourgeois life. Stalin slew sixty million before the seventy-four year nightmare ended and the Soviet communism crumbled in 1991.

It all began in 1917. One year later Solzhenitsyn’s widowed mother gave birth to the man in whose homeland devastation careened everywhere. In 1922 four leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church were executed because they had collected funds meant to assist hunger-deranged people found eating the carcasses of children who had succumbed to malnutrition and disease. Eventually Solzhenitsyn would see first-hand the irrationality that arises whenever ideology is maintained in the face of everything that contradicts it, for he narrowly escaped arrest when others in his bread queue were imprisoned for “suggesting” that there was a bread-shortage in the Marxist land-of-plenty, and for sabotaging the state by “sowing panic.”

Solzhenitsyn’s mother, fluent in French and English, was dismissed from her position as secretary at a flourmill since her family, prior to the Revolution, had had a little more money than most. Yet the effect of her mistreatment at the hands of coercive atheism merely found faith flooding her, never to recede. A godly aunt and uncle steeped the youngster in Orthodox liturgy and devotion. They also introduced him to Russia’s literary giants, especially Tolstoy. Soon he was reading Shakespeare and Dickens in English, Schiller in German. No less adept in the sciences than he was in the humanities, Solzhenitsyn recognized nonetheless that Marxist materialism would allow him to support himself through teaching mathematics and physics while literature remained his vocation.

In 1941 the Soviet Union entered World War II. Solzhenitsyn trained as an artillery officer and was decorated for bravery. Stalin, outraged at German brutalisation of Soviet citizens, announced than when Russian forces invaded Germany “everything” would be permitted. Solzhenitsyn was sickened as the elderly were robbed of their meagre rations and women were gang-raped to death.

A few months earlier he had penned a letter to a friend in which he had likened Stalin’s rule to feudalism. The letter had found its way to government snoops who forced his commanding officer to arrest him. Made to hand over his service revolver (the sign of dismissal,) he stood degraded when his officer’s insignia was ripped off his uniform and the red star torn from his hat.

Nights now found the disgraced man lying on a prison mattress of rotten straw adjacent to a latrine bucket. Men stepped over him to use it throughout the night. A few weeks later he was moved to the dreaded Lubyanka prison in Moscow, and locked up in a windowless cell so small he couldn’t stretch out his legs whether he sat or lay down. He had been charged with producing anti-Soviet propaganda. Eventually he was transferred to one of the forced labour camps that dotted the interior of the U.S.S.R. Lubyanka was to give rise to his world-acclaimed novel, The First Circle; his labour camp existence to his three-volume Gulag Archipelago. When he was diagnosed with cancer and expected to die (surgery with only local anaesthetic removed a large tumour and kept him alive) he pondered what would later appear as Cancer Ward. Yet his years of suffering in assorted prisons and prison camps worked a triumph in him: “…I was fully cleansed and came back to a deep awareness of God and a deep understanding of life.”

His “release” after eight years’ incarceration metamorphosed into internal exile. Now he was teaching high school in the easternmost reaches of the U.S.S.R, forbidden to travel. Through it all he wrote ceaselessly on scraps of paper, squirreling them away lest he commit the same blunder that had seen him sentenced. Then in 1956 President Nikita Khrushchev, publicly faulting Stalin’s harshness, deemed Solzhenitsyn’s wartime letter non-criminal. All charges were dropped. He went home.

Invited to read two chapters of One Day to eager Muscovites, Solzhenitsyn obliged them, and then excoriated the secret police. Only his international reputation spared him. The Soviet government dared not molest someone who had been awarded the Nobel prize for literature and whose books had been translated into 35 languages in one year. Still, it banished him. He moved to Switzerland, where Gulag could be published. The U.S.A. inhaled six million copies. The New York Review of Books pronounced it the single most devastating political indictment to appear in the modern era.

Eager to escape media hounding, he moved with his family to Vermont and became a near-recluse, always writing, emerging occasionally to speak, for instance, at Harvard’s commencement in 1978. Fifteen thousand people rain-soaked people reeled as he judged the west morally destitute. President Jimmy Carter’s wife sniffed, “There is no ‘unchecked materialism’ in the U.S.A.” Solzhenitsyn’s recitation was relentless: America’s pursuit of happiness has left it intellectually shallow, ethically incoherent and spiritually destitute.

Then in 1989 the Berlin wall crumbled, one of history’s unforeseeable convolutions. Two years later communism ended in Russia. Three years later still Solzhenitsyn returned to Russia, only to find that decades of communism had weakened the people to the point that they were vulnerable to contagion from the west. The infectious disease of material greed vomited up large-scale corruption, economic chaos, and clandestine financial compromises.

Despite the sickness of his still-weak nation Solzhenitsyn’s hope is undiminished. Russia can be healed, even as he is adamant that only Christian faith can heal it. Only the crucified can quicken in Russia’s people the self-renunciation any nation needs if only because self-renunciation is life’s open secret. Aware of systemic evil and of the “powers” of ideologies and “isms,” he likes to quote the old Russian proverb: “When evil appears, don’t search the village; search your heart.” Having seen his work achieve the unimaginable, he is convinced that even those with little visibility must pursue what has sustained him: “I live only once, and I want to act in accord with absolute truth.”

As long as truth is absolute it must be uttered amidst treachery, cruelty and falsehood. As it is uttered it will prove itself pregnant and powerful. When accepting his Nobel Prize he had cried, “One word of truth outweighs the world.”

 

William Stringfellow (1928 – 1985)

William Stringfellow

stringfellow.jpg (16384 bytes)

1928 – 1985

“Can the pope speak infallibly?”, Stringfellow was asked at an ecumenical gathering. He reply was swift and sure. “Any Christian who speaks in conformity to the gospel speaks infallibly.” It was typical of the pithy pronouncements which would endear him to many. Yet he was ever as profound as he was precise. When Karl Barth visited the United States in 1962 he pointed past the seminary professors to the diminutive lawyer and remarked, “This is the man America should be listening to.”

William Stringfellow was born in Johnston,  Rhode Island. His father was a knitter in a stocking factory. Needing money for a university education, he held three jobs in his last year of high school, yet managed to gain several scholarships and find himself at Bates College by age fifteen. Another scholarship took him to the London School of Economics. It was here, he was to write later, that he learned the difference between vocation and career. Military service followed with the Second Armored Division of the U.S. Army. When other soldiers complained that they were deprived of an identity in the armed forces and couldn’t “be themselves”, he disagreed. He knew that it is the living Word of God, Jesus Christ, which gives us our identity and frees us to “own” ourselves, cherish ourselves, profoundly be ourselves, anywhere.

Next was Harvard Law School. While a degree from this prestigious institution was a key which unlocked many doors, the door on which he knocked belonged to a slum tenement in Harlem, New York City. He had decided to work among poor blacks and Hispanics, the most marginalized of the metropolis. The move from Harvard to Harlem was jarring. His apartment measured twenty-five feet by twelve feet. Earlier five children and three adults had lived in it. The kitchen contained a tiny sink and an old refrigerator (neither of which worked), an old gas stove, a bathtub, and a seatless toilet bowl. Thousands of cockroaches were on hand to greet him. “Then I remembered that this is the sort of place in which most people live, in most of the world, for most of the time. Then I was home.”

Stringfellow’s chief legal interests pertained to constitutional law and due process. Both were dealt with every day as he represented victimized tenants, accused persons who would otherwise have inadequate counsel in the courts, and impoverished black people who were shut out of public services like hospitals and government offices. Knowing that his Lord had touched the untouchable — lepers — he represented those who belonged to the George Henry Foundation, sex-offenders whom no other lawyer would assist.

Throughout his student days Stringfellow had involved himself in the World Christian Student Federation. Now he was as deeply immersed in the World Council of Churches, not to mention the turbulence of his own denomination, The Episcopal (Anglican) Church of the U.S. Friends insist he was never more eloquent than the night he stood up, uninvited, in the Anglican Cathedral, Washington, and pleaded with his denomination to ordain women to the priesthood. He appeared not to be heard.

Frustration with the church was not new to him. Upon moving to Harlem he had joined the East Harlem Protestant Parish, enthused by its stated commitment to honouring the witness of scripture and the vocation of the laity. Within fifteen months he sadly concluded that once again the bible had been silenced and the laity submerged. The Parish, like most churches in North America, was a clergy-controlled preserve of shallow leftist ideology. Meanwhile, denominational authorities refused to use the confirmation class book he had been commissioned to write. (The realism of Instead of Death was too startling!)

His beloved poor in Harlem continued to mirror to him the engagement of the Word of God with human anguish. “What sophisticates the suffering of the poor”, he wrote, “is the lucidity, the straightforwardness with which it bespeaks the power and presence of death among men in the world.” All men and women. He had learned from scripture that apart from the resurrected One death is the ruling power of this world, corrupting and crumbling everything its icy breath corrodes. “And from this power of death no man may deliver his brother, nor may a man deliver himself.”

His frustration with seminaries was inconsolable. Liberal schools of theology, having disdained the bible, offered little more than “poetic recitations…social analysis, gimmicks, solicitations, sentimentalities, and corn.” Fundamentalist institutions, on the other hand, had yet to learn that “…if they actually took the bible seriously they would inevitably love the world more readily…because the Word of God is free and active in the world.” As often as seminarians shunned him, students at the law schools and business schools of major American universities heard him eagerly: they were aware that he knew just how the world turns, and who or what makes it turn. So it was that he travelled easily among practising law in behalf of those who could not afford to pay, delivering a guest lecture at Columbia University Law School, preaching the good news of deliverance and reconciliation among church people across America who had no grasp of the deadly, deep-dyed racism he lived with every day. Fourteen books poured from his pen, as well as dozens of articles in both theology and law.

Raging diabetes overtook him. When he died a distraught Daniel Berrigan, Jesuit anti-nuclear protester whom Stringfellow had afforded sanctuary, could only say, “He kept the Word of God so close…and in such wise that its keeping became his own word and its keeping.” Jim Wallis, leader of the Sojourners Community in Washington where Stringfellow had spoken frequently, summarized the lawyer’s life: “In his vocation and by his example he opened up to us the Word of God.”

Victor A. Shepherd
February 1992

(Illustration by Marta Lynne Scythes)

 

Martin Luther King Jr. (1929 – 1968)

Martin Luther King Jr.

1929-1968

He was born Michael King, but when he was five years old his father (also Michael) decided that father and son should be renamed “Martin Luther” — senior and junior. Thereafter the putative leader of the Afro-American people was known as “ML.” His intellectual precocity appeared as early as the prejudice he would have to fight all his life. For as he exuberantly awaited the end of the bus ride home following his triumph at his school’s public speaking contest, the conductor exploded, “You black sonofabitch.” King hadn’t responded instantly when the conductor told him to surrender his seat to a white rider.

When only fifteen King was admitted to Morehouse College , an all-black institution in Atlanta . He focussed on a legal career since law seemed the vehicle for addressing the shocking social inequities that were rooted in racist iniquity. Soon, however, Dr. Benjamin Mays, Morehouse’s president and King’s personal mentor, acquainted him with an expression of the Christian faith that was intellectually rigorous, socially sensitive, and ethically compelling. Determined now to be a preacher, he began theological studies at Crozer Seminary, Pennsylvania , one of the few blacks among the white student body.

Searching for the roots of injustice, King alighted on capitalism, only to see that its inherent exploitation found no correction in communism’s cruelty. Illumination flooded him the day he attended a lecture on Gandhi and understood two crucial matters: one, that only as injustice is overturned without a legacy of bitterness and festering recrimination has anything been accomplished; two, that just as non-violent protest had been possible in India thanks to British protection, paradoxically, amidst British colonialist oppression, the same non-violent protest could be effective in the USA on account of the Constitution. And just as Gandhi had insisted that the British shouldn’t be slain for exemplifying the hardheartedness endemic in humankind (Indians included,) black Americans would have to help white people save themselves from themselves. Gandhi had taken seriously Jesus’ forgiveness of enemies when British colonialists had not. King knew that we are never closer to God than we are to our worst enemy. Oppressor and oppressed were already linked in Christ.

Acclaimed Crozer’s outstanding student, King relished the scholarship Boston University ‘s School of Theology accorded him for doctoral studies. While in the north he met and married Coretta Scott, a Methodist. Declining tantalising academic positions in the north, he returned to the south to equip the people for whom he’d been anointed. As pastor of Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery , he realized that it wasn’t enough to inform people; they had to be moved. Lecture and sermon were qualitatively distinct; the latter bore fruit only as informed minds and warmed hearts issued in wills that acted in the face of institutions and images and ideologies and “isms” still entrenched despite the Emancipation of 1863. King developed the thoughtful, persuasive rhetoric for which he became famous as alliteration and illustration and startling turn-of-phrase were found in speech patterns and word associations as unforgettable as his cadences were irresistible.

Montgomery embodied the ante-bellum myth that black people were sub-human chattels. Since few of them could afford cars, they had to ride city buses to and from work. They were never allowed to sit in the first four rows of seats. When they paid their fare at the fare box beside the driver they then had to get off the bus, walk outside to the rear, and re-enter there. Frequently the driver drove off before they’d had to time to re-board.

It all came to a head on Friday, December 2, 1955 when Mrs. Rosa Parks refused to move to the back of the bus. The police arrested and charged her. King organized black leaders of the boycott. (He spoke of it as the “Montgomery Improvement Association.”) The following Monday not one black person boarded a bus. They rejoiced that they had finally exchanged “tired souls for tired feet.” The city lost vast revenues. The police began harassing black leaders. King’s home was destroyed. Fifty carloads of Ku Klux Klansmen prowled menacingly through black neighbourhoods, but now the people remained on the streets instead of huddling indoors. King called off the boycott only when the mayor announced he’d uphold the Supreme Court’s decision outlawing segregated schooling. Marches were organized to desegregate transit companies and stations in other southern towns.

Then a breakthrough appeared in the midst of overwhelming setback. Alabama had elected George Wallace governor on the strength of “Segregation Forever.” Bull Connor, Birmingham ‘s Commissioner of Public Safety, was its enforcer. His brutal, oafish vulgarity loomed on nation-wide TV as he turned fire hoses and Doberman Pinschers on defenceless children singing “We shall overcome.” Soon all of America was reading the imprisoned King’s landmark “Letter from a Birmingham Jail.” A few days later Connor was again yelling at his men to train hoses on 3000 youngsters and knock them down. His men refused. King felt that Red Sea waters had parted. Apparently many others did too as the ensuing March on Washington gathered up 250,000, one-quarter of them white. From the seat of federal power King soared with his “I have a dream,” a speech as important in U.S. history as Lincoln ‘s Gettysburg Address.

Meanwhile King’s notorious sexual infidelities provided ready material for J.Edgar Hoover and the FBI in their attempts at discrediting his movement. Yet his credibility mounted as he became the youngest recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. Public sympathy swelled as he spoke of black people denied voter registration inasmuch as they’d failed to cross a “t” in their application form. When marchers from Selma , braving setbacks and savagery, finally arrived in Montgomery, they stood at Confederate Square and sang

Deep in my heart, I do believe

That we have overcome today.

 

On April 4, 1968 , King was standing on a Memphis hotel balcony when a bullet severed his jugular vein and his spinal cord. Three days later President Johnson, who had decried America ‘s “crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice,” declared a National Day of Mourning. Next day Coretta led 19,000 through the streets of Memphis . No one was molested.

King’s sin can’t be excused as “weakness.” Still, it recalls the sin of another master, King David of Bethlehem . Both men proved yet again Martin Luther’s aphorism, “God can draw a straight line with a crooked stick.” Above all M.L. King recalls a blind man who was granted sight, as all of us can be, only as he called out, “Son of David, have mercy on me” — and knew that the sin of Israel’s greatest defender and leader couldn’t stymie the sight-bestowing gift of Israel’s greater Son.

 

Eva Burrows (1929 – )

Eva Burrows

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1929 —

The eighth of nine children, this Australian’s parents named her “Eva Evangeline” after Evangeline Booth, the fiery, red-haired daughter of Catherine and William, founders of The Salvation Army. Several years later, while she was at Brisbane University enlarging her appreciation of poetry, modern fiction and drama, a medical student invited her to a bible-study. To her surprise she found intelligent people who took the book seriously and didn’t find it boring. A Varsity Christian Fellowship summer camp exposed her to Bishop Marcus Loane, Anglican preacher and Reformation scholar. His exposition of the book of Romans forced her to take stock of her life. The “hound of heaven” was noticeably closing in upon her. Her conversion and her vocation to the ministry were simultaneous. From that moment she declared that she wanted only to discern and do God’s will for her, regardless of cost. The cost for her, she came to know, included the renunciation of marriage. (She is the only one of nine siblings not to marry. At the same time she has always acknowledged that the vocation of marriage is frequently more demanding.)

Upon her ordination Salvation Army authorities appointed Burrows first to Southern Rhodesia. The Howard Institute there included an education centre, a hospital, an outpatient clinic, primary and secondary schools, a teacher-training college, a seminary and, of course, a worship-facility with a thriving congregation. Different responsibilities as preacher, teacher and administrator would occupy her for the next seventeen years. “I didn’t see myself as bossing the Africans”, she insisted, “I never had that white supremacy idea…. I made a lot of mistakes, as any young person does, but I never made the mistake of thinking I knew it all as far as the Africans were concerned.”

On her first leave from the mission-field she completed a master’s degree in African education at Sidney University, Australia. Longmans, the well-known publisher of textbooks, regularly consulted her when it was about to bring out a new schoolbook for use in Africa. In addition she became advisor to the government with respect to the training of teachers.

Holidays were taken in South Africa, the nation notorious for its policy of apartheid. As often as Burrows stood in the “Blacks” lineup and was told to move over to the “Whites”, she simply walked away — the most telling protest she could make. While Rhodesia didn’t have an official policy of apartheid, in fact racial discrimination was practised everywhere. Deliberately she took black students into settings that had been tacitly set aside for whites only.

The next assignment was to The Salvation Army’s international seminary in London, England. Five years later Burrows was put in charge of Women’s Social Services around the world. Immediately she saw that flexibility and adaptability were crucial if Christians were to do anything about the ravages of evil: fewer homes were needed for unwed mothers, more homes for victims of domestic violence and substance-abuse.

Recognizing her resilience and the multiplicity of her gifts, her superiors sent her to superintend the denomination’s work in Sri Lanka. (Two-thirds of The Salvation Army’s members live in the third world.) In 1883 Salvationists had waded through snake-infested swamps in order to speak and embody the life-giving word of the crucified. Now there were five thousand on the island immediately east of India. The challenges which greeted her from the wider society were startling: two main cultural groups (Sinhalese and Tamils), as well as four main religious groups (Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians). Undaunted, she set about learning yet another language.

In 1979 Burrows was appointed to Scotland, and quickly learned that Glasgow is the roughest city in Europe. A major concern for her was the number of women with drinking problems who were frequently homeless as well. (Alcoholism among women is fourteen times more prevalent in Scotland than in England.)

Burrows’ native Australia welcomed her next. Appalled at the unemployment she found there, together with its social consequences, she envisioned and implemented “Employment 2000”, a factory-based program for young adults where job-skills could be acquired and self-confidence magnified. The nation honoured her for her work in this regard the day the prime minister made her an Officer of the Order of Australia.

Nineteen eighty-six found Burrows elected international General. (The college of commissioners elects the general just as the college of cardinals elects the pope in the Roman Catholic Church.) In an organization whose hierarchical chain-of-command is non-negotiable her authority is not to be overturned. Not surprisingly she lost no time making major changes wherever she felt such changes to be Kingdom-serving. For instance, she insisted that under-utilized leper colonies in the countries of central Africa be turned into AIDS hostels. (In Zambia one person in ten has AIDS.) Her greatest thrill the year she became international chief was her renewed contact with fellow-Salvationists in China.

Needing only five hours’ sleep per night, Burrows works a long day, yet manages to relax with literature, classical music and theatre. Her devotional life is nourished by contemplatives of the church catholic, such as Mother Julian of Norwich, de Caussade, and St. Theresa of Avila.

Despite her whirlwind social activism, Burrows’ top priority remains evangelism: “We must work all the time for redemption and reconciliation”. Her global perception on church and world lends enormous credibility to her sobering assessment: “I think that a lot of Christians in the affluent countries want a religion that costs them very little”.

Victor A. Shepherd
January 1993

(Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army)

 

Thomas Clark Oden (1931 – )

Thomas Clark Oden

1931–

The renewal movements of The United Church of Canada would be hard pressed to find a better friend and a more helpful ally. Unashamedly he has nailed his colours to the mast: “As a former sixties radical, I am now out of the closet as an orthodox evangelical.” A speaker at an early meeting of “Faithfulness Today” (jointly sponsored by The Community of Concern Within The United Church of Canada, Church Alive and The Alliance of Covenanting Congregations,) Oden has continued to hover our denomination’s theological ventures and pronouncements, living in hope for the day when it would recover its birthright and boldly declare itself “on the Lord’s side.” Raised in the United Methodist Church (USA), a denomination that has long appeared blissfully indifferent to “the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints (Jude 3),” Oden himself sashayed into the “far country” in the early days of his career as academic theologian. At that time there was virtually no cause, however tangentially related to the church’s mission or however “far out”, that he didn’t endorse as he roamed the entire spectrum of bizarre theology and avant-garde ethics. Just as he was discovering that far-country fare was non-nourishing and even toxic, the One he had been decrying in the cause of “relevance” and “modernity” overtook him and redirected the course of his living and thinking. And just as Paul, temporarily stunned on the Damascus road, needed another’s help for a while, those whom God’s providence mysteriously appointed to assist Oden came to his rescue. It was a Jew, Ananias, who helped a shocked and staggering Paul; another Jew, Will Herberg, providence assigned to be the one who brought him to see that the path out of the theological morass ran past the homes of the classical exponents of Christian truth. John Henry Newman, for instance, although dead for 80 years, convinced him that the substance of the historic faith was a goldmine whose treasure could be quarried inexhaustibly. Oden’s only responsibility, Newman persuaded him, was to listen. Abandoning his preoccupation with theological invention, Oden now listened “as if my whole life depended on hearing.” As the arbitrariness and anaemia of his theological shallowness sobered him, his earlier support of the abortion platform horrified him. He abandoned the situation ethics he had touted as a cure-all and simultaneously renounced the entire liberal world-view. Courageously announcing his “about face” (also known as repentance) to the academic guild, he came to cherish the “ecumenical consensus”: what Christians of East and West, Protestant, Roman Catholic and Orthodox, have held in common, and still do. Whereas he had previously regarded such consensus no more than baggage that had to be shed if the church were to move ahead unencumbered, he now realized this consensus to be the ballast in the church-ship’s keel without which the church could never sail against the prevailing wind and would capsize in any storm.

An intellectual whose brilliance has been evident in his lectureships at such prestigious institutions as Edinburgh, Duke, Emory, Princeton, Claremont, and Moscow State universities, in all his work Oden has kept in mind the needs of the local congregation and the working pastor. His major work, the 1500-page tome on systematic theology, is explicitly addressed to the latter, while he has published several works on the pastoral disciplines. In all of this he has claimed to want only to equip those who are called and commissioned to “teach you the elementary truth of God’s word all over again. (Hebrew 5:12)” For this reason the global intention of his work is to develop afresh the “building blocks” of the faith. Only as this task is completed will he turn his attention to more detailed matters such as anthropology and liturgy. True to Scripture, to his native Wesleyanism, and to the Fathers, he regards God’s holiness as the linchpin of the entire theological enterprise.

Waggishly reminding others that “the apostles were testy with clever revisionists”, Oden cites Paul’s rebuke, angry and anguished in equal measure, of the congregation in Galatia: “But even if an angel from heaven should proclaim to you a gospel contrary to what we proclaimed to you, let that one be anathema (Galatians 1:8.)” Yet he must never be thought to be a “nostalgia freak,” someone who hankers after “good old days” that in fact were as evil-ridden as all days. Instead he remains profoundly aware that Christians, theologians, congregations or denominations that jettison memory plunge themselves into amnesia. And the problem with amnesiacs isn’t that they can’t remember where they left umbrella or automobile; the problem, rather, is that lacking memory, they lack identity; and lacking identity, they frequently behave erratically.

Unfailingly possessed of gospel hope (hope, in Scripture, is never wishful thinking but is instead a future certainty grounded in a past reality; namely, the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead and his bestowal of the Spirit) Oden knows that revival is needed in the North American churches above everything else. And in view of the place that the mainline denominations occupy still in the psyche of the North American people, revival cannot occur without the “mainliners.” Then the prophet’s word to a people in exile — “Behold I [the Lord] am doing a new thing; now it springs forth, do you not perceive it? (Isaiah 43:19)” — must entail a renewal of denominations that appear at present to be sidelined. To this end Oden has been a leader in the formation of the Association for Church Renewal. Single-handedly he has convened the Confessing Theologians Commission, a group consisting of mainline academics who extol Jesus Christ, love his people, and have remained at their post in their respective denominations. (The Confessing Theologians Commission has one member from Canada, Victor Shepherd, as a representative of the renewal movements within The United Church.)

Long a lover of Kierkegaard, Oden likes to refer to the Dane’s insistence that faith disrupts, and where disruption isn’t observable faith hasn’t occurred. If as “believers” we nevertheless protest that we have faith, we are theologians; if we know how to describe faith, we are poets; if we weep in describing faith, we are actors. But only as we witness for the truth and against untruth are we actually possessed of faith.

Victor Shepherd

 

Emil Ludwig Fackenheim

EMIL LUDWIG FACKENHEIM 1916-2003: Philosopher, Professor, Rabbi, Friend – And survivor of Sachsenhausen

(Touchstone, January 2008)

 

  I: As soon as the gnome-like professor entered the lecture hall the fourth-year philosophy class in 1965 fell silent. Other students had sat under his teaching in previous years. I had not.  Plainly he was deemed formidable.  At the same time he struck me as scrawny, wasted in some respects, but above all haunted. The veneration that the class afforded him reflected the reputation he had gained in two decades: he was a luminary in the University of Toronto ’s Department of Philosophy. (U of T’s philosophy department was renowned the world over, and was slightly smaller only than Oxford ’s.)

The course was devoted chiefly to the study of Hegel, a post-Kantian German idealist over whom Fackenheim had laboured for twenty years, the outcome of which would soon be his monumental The Religious Dimension in Hegel’s Thought.   (This book inscribed his name in the international “Who’s Who” of the most erudite philosophers.)         While the course focussed on Hegel, it also investigated pre-Hegel thinkers in the German tradition such as Fichte and Schelling, as well as post-Hegel or “left-wing” Hegelians such as Kierkegaard, Marx and Nietzsche. The class concluded with a brief examination of Heidegger and Sartre. Quickly I perceived that philosophy would be done in this course with unparalleled rigour, intensity and profundity.

In class Fackenheim discussed philosophy only; theology was never mentioned, even though everyone was aware of his reputation as a Jewish thinker. Throughout the entire two-semester course no theological pronouncement was heard, with one exception.   Virtually as an aside, one day, Fackenheim amplified a philosophical point he deemed crucial by contrasting it almost casually with his “The characteristic of the living God is that God speaks.”   The comment embedded itself in me like shrapnel, and lurks in my psyche, where it reminds me constantly that because God speaks characteristically, any deity that has to be concluded or inferred or deduced, according to the logic of the Hebrew Bible, is ipso facto an idol.

 

II: Months later I tentatively called on Fackenheim in his office in order to discuss the essay I was to write in the course.   There he appeared much less intimidating.   With his feet on his desk, his chair tipped back and his glasses perched on his forehead, he scrabbled in his shirt pocket for one of the cigars of assorted shapes and colours, fired it up and rendered the few feet between us near-opaque. We had talked about my essay for only a few minutes (he approved the topic) when he declaimed with unmistakable warmth yet also with an authoritative emphasis that closed the door on further philosophical conversation, “Shepherd, enough about philosophy.  Let’s talk about GOD.” (Never having spoken with him before, I had no idea how he had learned of my interest in theology.) The instant he said “God”, the room filled with the Shekinah, the perceptible glory of the “Presence”.   By now his cigar smoke was nothing less than incense, akin to the incense in the temple that had engulfed Isaiah of old. And just as Isaiah was never going to forget the moment of divine visitation, together with utmost human sensitivity to it, I would never forget the man in front of me whose seemingly irreverent posture was no longer noticed on account of his transparency to the Holy One of Israel.

“Shepherd,” Fackenheim continued after another noxious exhalation, “modernity thinks God to be vague, abstract, ethereal, ‘iffy’. God, however, is concrete, solid, dense with a density beyond our imagining. There is nothing ‘iffy’ about God; but there is a great deal that is ‘iffy’ about you and me.” Dumbfounded at the spiritual assault (albeit benign) from a world-class philosopher, I was still reeling when he launched the next salvo. “Shepherd, in view of the

 

horrific depredations of our century – crowned by the Shoah – there are huge question marks above humankind.       But concerning God there is no question whatever.  Never forget”, he concluded, “We do not demythologize God; God demythologizes us as God exposes the groundless myths by which humankind is enthralled.” I staggered out of his office, the topic of my philosophy essay all but lost in the aura without, and the awe within, that have never evaporated and that continue to keep Fackenheim’s name fragrant.

 

III: Fackenheim was born in Halle , midway between Wittenberg and Berlin . Halle was the birthplace of Handel, immortalized by his oratorio, The Messiah. More significantly for the life and work of Fackenheim, Halle was also the birthplace of Reinhard Heydrich, Heinrich Himmler’s assistant. (Himmler was head of the dreaded SS, the branch of the Nazi military machine charged with implementing Nazi ideology. The death camps were administered and policed by the SS.) When Czech partisans assassinated Heydrich, Hitler retaliated by liquidating every inhabitant of their town, then bulldozing and burying every building in sight, finally planting grass on the tree-less, human-less landscape, reminding everyone that the Fuehrer could not only kill but also blot out of living memory, leaving no trace that any human being had lived or worked or built in that place.

The above-mentioned incident was all the more jarring inasmuch as Germany had been “ Mecca ” for post-Enlightenment Jewry. Admittedly the town church in Wittenberg (where Johannes Bugenhagen, Luther’s friend from Greifswald, preached every week), only a few kilometres away from Halle, still had on its outer wall a frieze depicting a sow nursing her piglets while a Jew sat at the pig’s rump with his head in its anus (one of the offensive mediaeval myths maintained that Jews ate pig excrement.) The church had been erected in 1120. Much had happened since then. In 1743 the fourteen-year-old Moses Mendelssohn had walked into Berlin through the Rosenthaler Tor, the sole gate, among the city’s several, that admitted cattle and Jews.  In two decades Mendelssohn had become a literary colossus, to be succeeded by German Jewish dramatists like Schiller and poets like Heine. The ghetto had disappeared in Germany before it did anywhere else in Europe . When Fackenheim’s grandfather died, the entire town – thousands of people – turned out to honour the memory of the local rabbi.  All the more shocking, therefore, was the accession of Hitler in 1933, an Austrian interloper who could not even claim to be German. The gains for which German Jews had struggled for 190 years were rescinded in a heartbeat. In the same year Fackenheim’s high school teacher of Greek, at grave personal risk, invited Fackenheim to his home. He gave the seventeen year-old a signed copy of Martin Buber’s Kingship of God, published one year earlier, and charged the adolescent: “If you don’t leave now I shall never forgive you, for your help will be needed in the reconstruction of Germany .” Fackenheim thanked the man for the book even as he knew he had no interest in the reconstruction of the nation that had betrayed its Enlightenment heritage and now tormented his people.

Upon leaving high school Fackenheim enrolled in the Academy For the Scholarly Study of Judaism. Subsequently he studied at Halle ’s Martin Luther University , the last Jewish student permitted to enrol. Kristallnacht cut short his studies. On 9th November 1938 synagogues, together with Jewish-owned stores and factories, were trashed and torched throughout Germany . The same night Fackenheim was arrested and incarcerated in Sachsenhausen. It was not an extermination camp; Hitler had not yet implemented the “Final Solution”. It was, however, a forced labour camp where inmates were worked to death. Fackenheim found friends in the camp, including Ernst Tillich, a Lutheran pastor and nephew of the renowned Paul Tillich. The latter had been expelled from Germany and was residing in the U.S.A. , teaching at Union Theological Seminary in New York City . Ernst Tillich, non-Jewish, had been arrested and imprisoned for his political opposition to Naziism. By Christmas Eve, seven weeks later, Tillich was manifestly depressed. Fackenheim asked him the reason for his woebegone mien, and Tillich replied lugubriously, “Today is Christmas Eve. It’s the biggest celebration in the Lutheran Church calendar. All day long I have been thinking of what I would preach to my congregation – if I had one.       But I don’t have one, and therefore I have no one to hear my sermon.” “I can fix that,” Fackenheim rejoined, and promptly rounded up all the rabbinical students in the camp. “Whatever it is you would say to a Lutheran congregation on Christmas Eve,” he continued, “you tell us, in Sachsenhausen, concerning the One whose mercy endures for ever.”

Several months later Fackenheim was released.  Hitler thought it less bothersome simply to have Jews out of the country. While awaiting a country that would receive him (several had declined), he was ordained rabbi in an underground seminary in Berlin . “It was,” he said years later with a twinkle in his eye, “like sitting on a powder keg while smoking a cigar.” Eventually Britain allowed him entry and he moved to Aberdeen . Once in the “ Granite City ” he immersed himself in philosophical studies, financing his academic work by preparing for Bar and Bat Mitzvah the children of the two-dozen Jewish families in the Reform synagogue.  It was an auspicious undertaking, for subsequently he would teach the confirmation class at Toronto ’s Holy Blossom Synagogue for forty years.

In September 1939 Britain , in response to Germany ’s invasion of Poland , declared war. Fackenheim, ironically, was now an “enemy alien”. Next day a police officer knocked at his door and informed him that he was to be deported.       He placed a few personal effects in his suitcase, saving room for his precious books, tomes on Kant, Hegel, Schleiermacher, Mediaeval Philosophy (Christian, Jewish and Islamic), plus his Arabic dictionary – since he planned to write a thesis on Mediaeval Arabic philosophy.

Fackenheim landed in Sherbrooke, Quebec. Among the scores of German Jewish refugees there were, besides himself, two who would become widely known in Canada . One was Gregory Baum, a physicist who eventually embraced Roman Catholicism, who was ordained to the priesthood (and laicized decades later), and who taught at McGill University and the University of Toronto ; Baum was awarded the Order of Canada in 1990.  The other was Eric Koch, who liked to say he was deported to Canada because the British could not distinguish between a German refugee and a Nazi spy. He moved quickly to the highest echelons of CBC radio programming.

Sherbrooke ’s denizens did not know how to view the new arrivals.  One the one hand they were Germans, and therefore were citizens of the nation with which Canada was at war. On the other hand they were refugees from Hitler, the tyrant Canada was bent on defeating. A Canadian military officer lined up the inmates on the parade ground and barked, “Even if you are Jews you still have to wash every day.”   Next the detainees were told “There is to be no monkey business.” Fackenheim, possessing high school English, knew what a monkey was and what business was; he had no grasp, however, of “monkey business”.   Finally the inmates were told, “You play ball with us, and we play ball with you.” “Play ball” was no less mystifying.

The experience of being a refugee from Hitler, yet having to live behind barbed wire in a compound guarded by machine-gun posts, was a terrible experience. Campmates elected Fackenheim to speak to military officialdom about it all, hoping that a rabbi would prove least offensive and be able to gain a favourable hearing.  Fackenheim relayed his friends’ request to “Major Balls” (as they now spoke of the officer.) It availed nothing. Barbed wire and machine guns would remain daily reminders of the ambiguity of the refugees’ situation and of the ambivalence with which the townspeople viewed them.
In December 1941 Fackenheim was released.  He boarded a train in Montreal , sped to Toronto , and by early afternoon of the same day was standing in the office of the philosophy department chairperson, apologizing for the fact that he had only the rabbinic training his exposure to the Hochschule (the post-secondary Jewish educational institution) had given him.   The interviewer quizzed him briefly, saw that while he was self-taught he was remarkably erudite, and brilliant. Without prescribing any remedial work the University of Toronto admitted him to the PhD programme, halving the residence requirement as well. Fackenheim set to work right away, enrolling simultaneously in the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies (St.Michael’s College.)   By 1945 he had been awarded a doctorate, his thesis Substance and Perseity in Mediaeval Arabic Philosophy with Introductory Chapters on Aristotle, Plotinus and Proclus.

Meanwhile he had become rabbi at Temple Anshe Shalom, a Reform congregation in Hamilton . He appeared to be more serious than the congregants; at least they and he were coming from different perspectives and were advancing different agendas for congregational life. He insisted on bringing to bear on the congregation the Word of the One who loomed before them and who was every bit as dense as the “thick darkness” that Moses knew and of which the Bible spoke repeatedly.  He exuded the conviction that God’s presence was palpable.   He exposed them to the Jewish theological giants who had been instrumental in his own spiritual formation: Martin Buber, Franz Rosenzweig, Leo Baeck. So far from quieting the grumbling of the disgruntled, everything he was about appeared to magnify it. In light of a “discerning of spirits” that occurred in 1948, the congregation dismissed him. Immediately Toronto ’s Department of Philosophy hired him.  His career as iconic philosopher and professor had been launched.

Preoccupied with the history of metaphysics, Toronto ’s Department of Philosophy had long insisted that there be at least one professor possessing expertise in the work of each major thinker.  No one had yet been found for German Idealism in general and Hegel in particular. Fackenheim volunteered, thinking it would be a way of rendering his teaching position secure.

He startled people from the start.   Always a Jewish theologian, his first published work was an article on Kierkegaard, a Christian philosopher.  He had already established his reputation concerning mediaeval philosophy. Soon he was publishing material and supervising doctoral students in Avicenna, Spinoza, Kant, Hegel, Schelling, Schopenhauer, Husserl, Dilthey, Buber, Heidegger, Sartre and Arendt.

While his reputation swelled largely because of his work in the German idealist tradition, his earlier work in mediaeval thought gave him a versatility that Toronto treasured. Throughout his working life he supervised graduate students in mediaeval Jewish philosophy (Isaac Israeli, Judah Halevi, Abraham Ibn Daud, and of course Moses Maimonides.) No less time was given to mediaeval Arabic philosophers (Al Kindi, Al Farabi, Avicenna, Avenpace, and Averroes.)

In 1955 Fackenheim married a former student.   Rose was a Christian and a member of Bathurst Street United Church , Toronto . (The date is crucial. It is still whispered that he was fired from the Hamilton synagogue on account of his having married a non-Jew.  This is a myth that should be exposed and allowed to perish.)   Together they had four children.  The eldest, Michael, was born brain-damaged and now lives in the Ontario Provincial Hospital in Orillia . The youngest, Yossie, was born when Emil was 63 and Rose 45. Yossie was born on Yom Kippur. With yet another twinkle in his eye Fackenheim liked to say, “A male child born on Yom Kippur? According to Jewish legend, he could be the Messiah.”

The Fackenheims moved to Israel in 1986. Rose embraced Judaism. The children were confirmed in their Yiddishkeit by an orthodox rabbi. When she was 55 Rose was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease; she died seven years later.

Fackenheim died 19th September 2003 . I was at my computer when a colleague relayed to me the notice from the Jerusalem Post.  I mourned the loss of someone whose stamp is on me everywhere, someone who exemplified simultaneously the radical detachment required of scholarship and the radical commitment required of biblical faith.  In the next instant I anticipated my eschatological reunion with the Abrahamic figure who convinced me 45 years ago that while there is much that is dubious about me and others, there is nothing that is dubious about the One whose glory leaves us prostrate, whose voice can crack rocks, and whose faithfulness to the people of God is never attenuated.

 

IV: Fackenheim was the acclaimed luminary in a philosophy department that was stellar even apart from him. The range of his philosophical competence was vast, as has been noted already.  Had Hitler not arrived on the scene, he said, he would have been a professor of ancient philosophy in a German university.   As it was, his expertise included ancient, mediaeval and modern philosophy (especially German Idealism), as well as existentialism. Analytical philosophy, he maintained, was something would-be philosophers had to “have under their belt”. In other words, those who wanted credibility with the philosophically sophisticated had to have mastered it.  At the same time analytical philosophy, he was convinced, could never be more than a tool in the service of a philosophical quest that was more substantive, more profound and, above all, life-altering.  The question Fackenheim constantly posed, implicitly where not explicitly, at the conclusion of much philosophising, was simple yet searching: “What difference is it going to make?”

Yet his greatest contribution, according to many, was not simply the exposition, amplification and criticism of major thinkers in the history of metaphysics. Rather it was his juxtaposing of the logic of philosophy and the logic characteristic of Hebrew thought. In this endeavour his Encounters between Judaism and Modern Philosophy is priceless. The chapter headings indicate accurately what is going to be attempted – as reading the book confirms that faith in God, and the understanding inherent in faith, are vindicated. The first chapter, “Elijah and the Empiricists: The Possibility of Divine Presence” is followed by “Abraham and the Kantians: Moral Duties and Divine Commandments” and “Moses and the Hegelians: Jewish Existence in the Modern World.” In each case he exposes the strengths of a philosophical school, comments critically on the school’s deficiencies, and non-triumphalistically establishes biblical conviction concerning truth – better, concerning reality, the reality of the living God, together with reality’s claim upon humankind. In every case the God who is self-revealed at Sinai and who is continually self-bestowed through prophet and seer; the God who looms over and leans upon “the apple of his eye”, seeming to burden them unendurably yet also sustaining them when they are abandoned in world-occurrence; this God is re-presented to the reader as Fackenheim draws on the vast treasury of Midrash to highlight the dialectical nature of Jewish thought.

A similar approach is found in the book that many regard as his greatest, To Mend the World: Foundations of Future Jewish Thought.       Once again the chapter titles reflect the manner in which he exposes the most erudite philosophy to the most impassioned Jewish faith: “The Shibboleth of Revelation: From Spinoza beyond Hegel” or “Historicity, Rupture and Tikkun Olam (‘Mending the World’): From Rosenzweig beyond Heidegger.”

Fackenheim knew that argument is persuasive only if the parties to the argument stand on the same ground, admit the same presuppositions, share the same universe of discourse.  Where they do not, argument is unavailing; what is operative in this situation is witness. His own undisguised testimony appears throughout his writings, yet seems to shine with unusual radiance in the concluding lines of his “Elijah and the Empiricists”. Having exposed the shallowness of empiricism as a philosophy (i.e., having exposed the illegitimate move from science to scientism), and having exposed the indefensibility of its principal exponent; namely, A.J. Ayer and his Language, Truth and Logic, Fackenheim declares,

 

The believer, all along aware of subjectivist reductionism, embraces that position not when he ceases to hear but when he turns away from listening.  The unbeliever, too, may turn….For the author of Language, Truth and Logic to accept the voice heard at Sinai – or his urge to worship in the Messianic age – he would have to be converted.  But conversion is both a turning and a being turned. (Encounters, 29)

 

His book Jewish Philosophers and Jewish Philosophy anticipates a major shift in Fackenheim’s orientation.       The chapter on Leo Strauss relates a conversation he had with Strauss in New York City , when Strauss had remarked “We all know it is our duty to survive as Jews. Jewish philosophy will tell us why.” (105)

The shift occurred in 1967. For the past three weeks Egypt ’s Abdul Nasser had threatened the destruction of the state of Israel and the annihilation of every living Jew.  The Holocaust was on the point of being re-enacted.       The catastrophe was averted only as the Israeli air force devastated Egypt ’s air force before the latter’s planes could take off.   Neither a Zionist nor an anti-Zionist up to this point, Fackenheim announced that someone else could investigate the subtleties of philosophy for their own sake; from now on he would give his attention to the study of the Holocaust and what it, as a novum, portended for Jewish thought, faith and life.  In a word, while the Holocaust as radical evil cannot be understood (one aspect of radical evil’s evilness is its sheer incomprehensibility); while it is blasphemous to speak of “meaning” with respect to the Holocaust, it is imperative that there be a response.  The response is multi-faceted; and one facet, the maturer Fackenheim came to say, was the survival not only of the Jewish people but of the Jewish state. Not surprisingly he insisted, “Quite indefensible to me is the view that Judaism would be unaffected if the state of Israel were destroyed.” (What is Judaism?, 10)

While no Jew regards the Shoah (“catastrophe”) as insignificant or anything other than a challenge to faith, Fackenheim went farther. In his God’s Presence in History: Jewish Affirmations and Philosophical Reflections he distinguished between “root” events/experiences and “epoch-making” events/experiences.   The latter were the Jewish response to occurrences that tested the faith; e.g., the destruction of the first Temple , the Maccabean Revolt, the destruction of the second Temple , the expulsion from Spain . Root events, on the other hand, are historical occurrences in which the faith originated; e.g., the deliverance at the Red Sea and the commanding presence at Sinai.       Here a past event – public, historical – can legislate to future generations. And such root experiences allow the present access to the past.  Root experiences are normative for the formation and continuation of Jewish faith while epoch-making experiences can only test the faith so formed and normed.

Undeniably the Holocaust is an epoch-making experience. Fackenheim, however, frequently appeared to lean toward regarding it a root experience. As soon as he “leaned”, the outcry reminded him that he had stepped outside normative Judaism.  And of course if the Holocaust was a root experience then it had to be revelatory. This notion, needless to say, was both absurd and offensive: absurd in that the content of revelation is a presence that guarantees a future, when the Holocaust appeared to attest an absence (a radical God-forsakenness that found Buber speaking of an “eclipse of God”) that guaranteed non-existence; offensive not least because the Nazis would then be said to be doing God’s work. Yet if it was merely epoch-making, had it been denied that the Jewish people were singled out at Auschwitz (albeit for destruction) no less than they were singled out at Sinai (albeit for life)? Fackenheim refused to move away from his conviction, regardless of the disagreement he mobilized, that the Holocaust was unprecedented not only in Jewish history but in human history. (In fact, he maintained that not only was the Holocaust the greatest disaster to befall the Jewish people; it was – albeit for a different reason – the greatest disaster to befall the church.) For this reason he agonized over the reputation of the Jewish community in Lublin , Poland , for of them it was said that with their dying breath they gave the Torah back to God.

In light of the foregoing Fackenheim maintained that while Jewish tradition has always maintained that 613 commandments were given to Moses at Sinai (this includes the oral Torah), there has latterly been added the 614th: Jews are forbidden to deliver to Hitler the conquest that he coveted but was denied. For this reason Fackenheim asserted,

 

Jews are forbidden to hand Hitler posthumous victories. They are commanded to survive as Jews, lest the Jewish people perish.  They are commanded to remember the victims of Auschwitz , lest their memory perish. They are forbidden to despair of man (sic) and his world, and to escape into either cynicism or otherworldliness, lest they cooperate in delivering the world over to the forces of Auschwitz . Finally they are forbidden to despair of the God of Israel, lest Judaism perish.  A secularist Jew cannot make himself believe by a mere act of will, nor can he be commanded to do so….And a religious Jew who has stayed with his God may be forced into new, possibly revolutionary relationships with Him. One possibility, however, is wholly unthinkable. A Jew may not respond to Hitler’s attempt to destroy Judaism by himself cooperating in its destruction. In ancient times, the unthinkable Jewish sin was idolatry.  Today, it is to respond to Hitler by doing his work. (Fackenheim: German Philosophy and Jewish Thought,, 28)

 

Two days after Kristallnacht, one of the twenty-odd Jewish men in a jail cell meant for six railed at the twenty-two year-old rabbinical student, “You tell us what Judaism has to say to us now.”  Fackenheim, however, according to his own report, said nothing.

Ever since then he has said much.  He has even attempted to answer the question he declined to answer in the jail cell through several different vehicles directed towards differed readerships. His What is Judaism? An Interpretation for the Present Age is his love-letter to non-philosophers, amcha, ordinary Jewish folk.  Ordinary people (so-called) were always dear to him.  It was for them that he delighted in expounding the Midrash concerning the giving of the Torah at Sinai.   There it was said when the Israelites heard God say “I” (the first word of the Decalogue) their souls left them, as it says, “If we hear the Voice anymore…we shall die.” (Deut. 5:22)  Yet Rabbi Shim’on bar Yochai taught, “The Torah which God gave to Israel restored their souls to them,” as it says, “‘The Torah of the Lord is perfect, restoring the soul.’” (Ps. 19:8) (What is Judaism?, 135)

 

Epilogue:

In 1985 The United Church of Canada commissioned me to write the denomination’s annual Lenten devotional book.  Since then the second and third editions of Ponder and Pray have appeared. The dedication of the current (third) edition reads

In gratitude for

Emil L. Fackenheim

philosopher, professor, rabbi, friend

-and survivor of Sachsenhausen-

from whom I learned,

“Prayer is the quintessential human act.”

 

In him I found intellectual brilliance combined with resilient faith in the Holy One of Israel. My debt to him is unpayable.

 

 

Victor Shepherd
January 2008

Reformers, Philosophers, Kierkegaard and the Akedah Yitzakh

Reformers, Philosophers, Kierkegaard and the Akedah Yitzakh

Professor Victor A. Shepherd

Tyndale University College & Seminary

 

I: — Whether or not philosophy and theology are deemed irreconcilable appears to depend on where one stands in the theological spectrum.  The Papal encyclical, Fides Et Ratio, promulgated by the late John Paul II on 14 September 1998 , stated unambiguously the relationship between philosophy and theology that John Paul himself upheld and expected others in his denomination to uphold as well.  As a student of the Magisterial Reformation, on the other hand, I am aware that the Reformers regarded philosophy – by which they frequently meant Mediaeval scholasticism – as an encroachment upon theology that denied the gospel’s inherent integrity, militancy and efficacy.

Martin Luther, for instance, voiced this notion as nascent Reformer. In early autumn 1517 (perhaps earlier even than his putative nailing of the Ninety-Five Theses to the door of the Schlosskirche in Wittenberg on 31st October 1517 ) he published the ninety-seven theses of his Disputation Against Scholastic Theology. The anti-scholastic, anti-philosophic tone is unmistakable.  Discussing the understanding of the human will that mediaeval philosophers typically advanced, Luther writes “We are not masters of our actions, from beginning to end, but servants.  This in opposition to the philosophers.” [1]   The Disputation is replete with similar references. Consider the following. “Virtually the entire Ethics of Aristotle is the worst enemy of grace.  This in opposition to the scholastics.”[2]   “It is an error to say that no man can become a theologian without Aristotle. This in opposition to common opinion.”[3]         “The whole Aristotle is to theology as darkness is to light.   This in opposition to the scholastics.”[4]   Lest we think that Luther has targeted Aristotle only, we should hear Luther on someone in the tradition of Plato.   “It would have been far better for the church if Porphyry (233-303) … had not been born for the use of theologians.”[5]         (“Better…if [he] …had not been born” points unambiguously to the biblical reference to Judas; Porphyry is no less spiritually treacherous, with his philosophically compromised theology, than the one Christian tradition deems arch-traitor.  Philosophy is no little threat to faith in the gospel.)   Luther concludes his 1517 Disputation, “In these statements we wanted to say and believe we have said nothing that is not in agreement with the Catholic church and the teachers of the church.”[6]

Soon Luther rendered more specific his objection to philosophy as he developed his Theologia Crucis or “Theology of the Cross” in the years that remained to him.  Since Luther wrote no systematic theology, his Theologia Crucis is found in no single place but rather recrudesces in fragments throughout his work.[7]

Luther developed his Theologia Crucis in opposition to a Theologia Gloriae in its many forms. One form of it was the attempt at reading the truth and nature of God off the face of world-occurrence, off the face of history.         Another form was the attempt at arguing for the truth and nature of God from nature. Another form, perhaps more subtle, was the church’s triumphalistic self-promotion (which is to say, the church’s persecution of others) inasmuch as the church confused its triumphalism with the triumph or victory of the crucified one, the church having forgotten that the crucified one is raised crucified, with wounds still gaping.  When the church confuses its triumphalism with the victory of its Lord who suffers still, the resurrection ceases to be the effectiveness of the cross; instead the resurrection becomes the supersession of the cross, matched by the church’s superiority to its crossbearing.         While this distortion was a matter of ecclesiology, Luther insisted that ecclesiology is a predicate of Christology, and a distorted ecclesiology could therefore be traced to a Christology warped by philosophy.

All of which brings us to the last form of Theologia Gloriae, the identification of God with metaphysical speculation.   Here Luther has two principal objections in mind.

One objection is his insistence that the Holy One of Israel is qualitatively distinct from the God of the philosophers: being, being-itself, “ground of being”, etc.   The living God is to be understood not as the ens realissimum of the philosophers, the static “that which is”, but rather in terms of the dynamic personalism of the Hebrew bible: God is He who acts. (Thomas Aquinas’ reading of Exodus 3:14, where Moses asks for God’s ‘name’ and God replies “I shall be who I shall be”; Aquinas’ reading of this text as declaring the aseity or self-existence of God the Reformers found utterly wide of the mark and an instance of philosophical corruption.)

The second objection is Luther’s insistence that the God who acts is not the only actor; Satan acts too.  God, however, defines himself at the cross, and only at the cross. For this reason Luther maintained that apart from the cross God is indistinguishable from the devil.[8]

On account of its espousal of metaphysics, philosophy remains wedded to the Theologia Gloriae.  Metaphysical speculation never terminates in the God who humbles himself in the manger and humiliates himself at the cross.         Philosophy forever remains an aspect of that ‘wisdom of the world’ that the gospel has inverted.

Consider the discussion of power, including omnipotence.  At the cross God not only acts most characteristically (he loves to the uttermost, love exhausting his nature); at the cross God also acts most effectively (he reconciles a wayward world to himself.)   To say that the cross, therefore, is God’s mightiest work is to say that the cross alone determines the meaning of “almighty” or “omnipotent.” Since power is the capacity to achieve purpose, God acts “almightily” when he overcomes all impediments to the fulfilment of his purpose, and does so precisely where, from a human standpoint, he cannot do anything.  God’s power can never be understood by means of an argument that begins with finite, creaturely power and concludes with infinite, divine power. No philosophical argument for God – let alone for God’s omnipotence – terminates in the God-forsakenness of a bedraggled Jew (someone the world loves to hate) executed at a city garbage dump.  Luther has spoken.

What about John Calvin? Calvin, to say the least, is cautious concerning the theologian’s deployment of philosophy. In the course of expounding the doctrine of the Trinity he writes laconically, “Here, indeed, if anywhere in the secret mysteries of Scripture, we ought to play the philosopher soberly and with great moderation…..For how can the human mind measure off the measureless essence of God according to its own little measure….Indeed, how can the mind by its own leading come to search out God’s essence…?”[9]   More characteristically, however, Calvin speaks critically of the “Sophists”, scholastic writers whose hybrid theology has accommodated philosophy so as to distort the biblical message.   In this regard, when Calvin discusses the will of God (which for him is the will of God made manifest in Jesus Christ), Calvin contrasts this with “that absolute will of which the Sophists babble.”[10]

Not every philosophical predecessor is equally evil, however.  Calvin thought more highly of the “Schoolmen”, the older, more notable mediaeval thinkers, than he did of theological opponents temporally proximate to him. In his assessment of the distinction between operative grace and co-operative grace, for instance, Calvin writes “how far I disagree with the sounder Schoolmen [note that regardless of how sound these thinkers may be, Calvin still finds ample scope for disagreement] I differ with the more recent Sophists to an even greater extent, as they are farther removed from antiquity.”[11]   He has in mind here principally Ockham and Biel .

Regardless of Calvin’s approach to philosophy, and particularly Aristotle, the fact is that Scholastic theology never disappeared in the Reformation era. Alongside the Humanist flowering, which flowering had no little effect on most Magisterial Reformers (here we need only recall that Calvin’s first published work was a commentary on Seneca’s De Misericordia), Scholastic theology thrived in the “old church” even as Reformers denounced it. It was soon to thrive in the “new church” too as both Lutheran and Reformed Orthodoxy soon wrote theology in a scholastic mode.  It triumphed in the work of Jacob Arminius, the Remonstrant in whom philosophy looms much larger than his followers appear to appreciate. Indeed it is no exaggeration to say that Arminius is chiefly a philosopher whose Thomistic theology (Aquinas is the most frequently quoted thinker in Arminius’ work) happens to use a Protestant vocabulary.  And of course the English Puritans returned to a use of philosophy that was more than merely illustrative.  Jonathan Edwards, New-World Puritan theologian, remained the ablest philosopher in America until the advent of Charles Sanders Peirce.

Over the centuries the relationship between philosophy and theology has varied in the details of the respective disciplines, even as the disciplines sometimes appeared to wed each other, at other times act as necessary foil to each other (and therefore still need each other.) If theology announced itself divorced from philosophy, the divorce appeared not to last.

 

Hegel

In Hegel there occurred what may be regarded as one of philosophy’s larger-scale “takeover bids” of theology; namely, Hegel’s notion of the Absolute or Mind or Spirit.  Ultimate reality is Spirit, but such Spirit is not an exclusive or monistic claim to reality. Neither is Spirit that God of scripture whose Being is utterly distinct ontically from the being of the world, Creator and creation being linked only by grace. Spirit is not that God whose infinite self-transcendence is categorically distinct from the self-transcendence of philosophical thought.

Hegel maintains that it is possible, by means of philosophical thought, to rise to the Absolute Standpoint where the distinction between subject and object is overcome and the thinker becomes one with cosmic Mind, which Mind is nothing other than self-thinking thought, or Mind thinking itself. Mind thinking itself, it must be remembered, is not some sort of flight into solipsism or fantasy, let alone the self-referential world of the deranged. Mind thinking itself is the philosopher’s ascent to that standpoint, that of the Absolute or the Idea or God, in which all the dichotomies of the universe are acknowledged to be non-imaginary yet are overcome in a higher synthesis. Since philosophy aims at a rational apprehension of reality as a whole (and in Hegel’s opinion, his own philosophy has succeeded at this), evil, and that aspect of evil which is sin, have to be seen as aspects of or stages on the way towards that mediation which overcomes the ontic distance between God and humankind.  (In other words, evil has been denatured as evil; radical evil – evil for the sake of evil, evil subserving no good whatsoever, rendered inherently impossible.) The God of biblical faith who utterly transcends the creation is manifestly penultimately “God”, since such a deity is necessarily limited by what it precludes.  According to Hegel, then, God is most profoundly that which gathers up in a higher ontic unity what has heretofore been regarded as ontically distinct. In connection with this notion Hegel speaks of two forms of the infinite, one adequate and the other inadequate.   The inadequate infinite is simply the non-finite.         If the infinite is defined as the non-finite, however, then the infinite is limited by what it is not, and to this extent is not infinite at all. Then the adequate infinite must be that infinite which includes both the finite and the infinite.

Where has this development been illustrated?   (Note that the question is not “Where has this occurred?”)   It has been illustrated in the Incarnation, where the God who up to that time had been viewed as transcendent only – albeit infinite – is now acknowledged to include precisely what it had previously excluded. The infinite, in short, is the sum of infinite plus finite.

Who needs the illustration? Hegel maintains that Christianity is the pictorial representation of truth helpful for those who cannot, or to date have not, risen philosophically to the Absolute Standpoint. Hegel intends no disparagement. At the same time, what is depicted as biblically substantive – Incarnation, atonement, resurrection, Spirit-suffusion – are philosophically less than ultimate.    They remain pictorial representations of a reality that has moved beyond them even as it includes them.

 

 

Kierkegaard

Kierkegaard objects. He denies that there can ever be mediation of Hegel’s sort between God and humankind. He denies that the Absolute’s knowledge of itself and humankind’s knowledge of the Absolute are two aspects of the same reality.   He denies that the creature (if such a word is still appropriate) can rise by means of philosophical thought to the standpoint of the Absolute so as to render human self-consciousness ultimately the same as God’s self-consciousness. He insists that there is an “infinite qualitative distinction” between God and humankind that cannot be overcome.  The God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob is never to be confused with Hegel’s Spirit or Absolute.  We may encounter the God who forever remains GOD, but we are never ontically “one with” that God.

Whereas Hegel insists that “The Truth is the Whole”, Kierkegaard maintains that “Truth is subjectivity.”  This assertion, of course, has nothing to do with subjectivism or make-believe or even post-modernism’s denial of truth.         “Truth is subjectivity” means that the real is the relational. Whereas Hegel had insisted “The Real is the rational and the rational is the real” (presupposing his own carefully delineated sense of “rational”), Kierkegaard anticipates Martin Buber’s notion that the real is the “between”; the real is the existent’s encounter with, engagement with, the God who infinitely transcends us yet who accommodates himself to us and therefore whom we may meet and know.

To exist, insists Kierkegaard, is qualitatively different from to think – however pregnant Hegel’s notion of thinking may be and regardless of what it may include. For this reason, Kierkegaard does not hesitate to say “Existence cannot be thought.” Rejecting the “thought experiments” of metaphysicians as the approach to truth, Kierkegaard insists that the real is apprehended only by means of a commitment that forsakes all earthly securities and “leaps” in faith at incalculable risk.

The paradigm of such commitment is Kierkegaard’s “knight of faith”, Abraham of old; and the story concerning Abraham that overwhelms Kierkegaard is the Akedah, the “binding” of Isaac as Abraham offers up his son, his only son, in obedience to God’s command.

Abraham and Isaac

Abraham, the prototype of the person of faith, has been promised spiritual descendants as numerous as the sand on the seashore.  If the promise is to be fulfilled, two conditions must be met: Abraham must persevere in faith (or else he cannot be the foreparent of descendants-in-faith), and Isaac must survive (or else there will no descendants-in-faith.)   The dilemma is plain: If Abraham obeys God and offers up his son, then God’s promise is null and void, since Isaac has not survived; on the other hand, if Abraham second-guesses (i.e., disobeys) God and preserves Isaac, then God’s promise is null and void, since Abraham’s disobedience exemplifies unfaith.

 

In short, Abraham’s obedience and his disobedience nullify the promise alike. What is he to do? Abraham decides to stake everything on obeying God’s command, trusting God to fulfill God’s promise in ways that Abraham cannot foresee or even imagine.   He will obey God even though such obedience, from a human perspective, ensures the non-fulfillment of the promise.

Precisely at the moment of the knife’s descent God forbids the dreaded act. God’s unaffected awareness and candid acknowledgement, “Now I know that you fear God” ( 22:12 ), dovetails exactly with Abraham’s utter surprise at the provision of the ram. Abraham’s surprise is no more feigned than his intent to obey God at any cost.   Both dimensions must be underscored: it is true simultaneously that Abraham never doubts that “God will provide” (or else he has abandoned faith’s trust in the promise-fulfilling God) and that he is genuinely astounded at the appearance of the ram (or else the trial of faith was no trial at all, trial presupposing the inability to foresee in any way how promise can be fulfilled when faith must heed a command that guarantees cancellation of the promise.)

 

Kierkegaard and Hegel

Kierkegaard’s Fear and Trembling targets Hegel unambiguously.   Hegel’s understanding of religion, of course, includes his understanding of faith. And since philosophy “goes further” than religion, philosophy necessarily goes further than faith – only, says Kierkegaard, to turn wine into water.[12]

Philosophy, meanwhile, is not aware that it denatures faith, for philosophy insists that it comprehends faith even as it supersedes faith. In all of this, says Kierkegaard, theology is seemingly unaware that its mandate is theos, God. The result is that theology, or what’s left of it, “sits all rouged and powdered in the window and courts its favours, offers its charms to philosophy.”[13]    Theology has prostituted itself to philosophy while preening itself on an intellectual sophistication superior to the crudeness of Abraham and Isaac. After all, “it is supposed to be difficult to understand Hegel, but to understand Abraham is a small matter.”[14]   With mordant irony Kierkegaard turns the vocabulary of “further” back upon his opponent: overwhelmed at Abraham, Kierkegaard glories in the fact that in 130 years the patriarch “got no further than faith.”[15]   While “got no further” waggishly suggests that Abraham was stalled, Kierkegaard knows that Abraham, not the philosophical speculators, had alone moved ahead to existence.         Existence cannot be gained or entered upon by means of the “thought experiments” of the metaphysicians, but only as the detachment of “worldly understanding” is left behind in favour of radical commitment.[16]

The radical commitment is to God; not the “God” of philosophical constructs but the One who summons every would-be believer to Abraham trial. Such trial consists in enduring, in utter anguish, the contradiction between promise and command. This contradiction is nothing less than “absurd.”   As faith paradoxically embraces the absurd (in all of this the “this-worldliness” of Isaac and promised blessing must be kept in mind), faith is vindicated and confirmed not in an ethereal eternal but in the temporal. By way of reminder of the link between the absurd and the temporal Kierkegaard adds, “Only he who draws the knife gets Isaac.”[17]

Needless to say the loneliness of Abraham (and therefore of any believer) is his inability to make any of this understandable to even one other human being. Since no one can foster the understanding requisite for faith, no believer can help someone else into faith: “either the single individual himself becomes the knight of faith by accepting the paradox or he never becomes one.”[18]

In light of philosophy’s non-comprehension of all that Kierkegaard has said, together with the human horror that surrounds the particular absurdity pertaining to Isaac, he does not hesitate to say that not only is Abraham’s life the most paradoxical that can be thought; it is so paradoxical that it cannot be thought.[19]   Still, the foregoing must never be regarded as unique to Abraham.   He is prototype, to be sure, but as such is always to be imitated by those who have never settled for the cheap edition of him that the church is forever trying to sell. He remains the “guiding star that saves the anguished.”[20]

Kierkegaard’s point is that Hegel’s category of self-consciousness, even a self-consciousness that is one with an eternal self-consciousness is still only consciousness; it is not yet existence.  Faith alone embraces existence, and does so only by means of a “leap.” Such a radical commitment is always a qualitative transition that nothing can precipitate or effect incrementally.

The single individual knows that we can be saved only as faith, itself a paradox, grasps the absurd.   Such faith is forever the antithesis of the detachment of philosophy and forever the antithesis of the immediacy of the heart’s spontaneous inclination.[21]   Such faith is always the paradox of existence.

In light of all that has been said concerning the absurd, paradox, leap, existence – together with the fact that the single individual can be neither understood nor admired – Kierkegaard is correct when he contends that the believer is finally a witness, not a teacher.[22]    A teacher, after all, teaches what others with the requisite philosophical equipment can understand.   A witness, on the other hand, attests precisely what is found in common with nothing else. Existence, contra Hegel, is indeed “beyond” all philosophical thought-experiments.

 

A Reprise

And yet it appears philosophy will always be necessary – at least if theological impasses are to be dealt with.         One such impasse was the Christological dispute between Arius and Athanasius in the Fourth Century. In his understanding of Jesus Christ Arius had managed to combine the worst of two heresies, Ebionitism and Docetism.         While his Christology never hesitated to speak of Jesus as the Son of God, his “Son of God” was a tertium quid, something that was neither divine nor human.  For if the Son of God is less than God in any sense, then the Son is not God. And if the Son of God is more than human, then neither is the Son human.

When Athanasius attempted to rebut Arius he realized that both he and Arius were using the same biblical expression, “Son of God,” but were ascribing antithetical meanings to it.  Athanasius insisted that nothing less than the gospel was at stake here. While Arius insisted that the Son was homoiousios with the Father – of similar substance, Athanasius insisted that Son and Father were homoousios – of the same or identical substance.   The difference between homoousios and homoiousios is an iota, the smallest letter of the Greek alphabet (in Greek it lacks even a dot), and subscript as well. (How much hangs on such a distinction is indicated in English by the difference between asking someone to run your business and asking her to ruin it.) Athanasius understood that if the crucial difference between him and Arius was to be identified, he would have to resort to non-biblical, philosophical language. Homoousios is not a biblical word.  Athanasius defended his use of it by insisting that it exuded the spirit of scripture; in other words, homoousios locates the meanings of biblical words and the realities to which they point.[23]

What did Athanasius do for the church through his deployment of a non-biblical, philosophical expression?         No less a figure than Karl Barth maintained that the Athanasian homoousios was the most significant theological statement since the apostles.

It is not difficult to multiply instances where philosophical concepts and vocabulary are crucial in theological articulation.  Despite Calvin’s protestations against the divagations of schoolmen and sophists whose Aristotelian encroachment upon theology Calvin finds objectionable, Calvin resorts to Aristotle in expounding his understanding of justification.[24]  Concerning Romans 3:24, “[All who believe] … are justified by his [God’s] grace as a gift, through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus.” (RSV) Calvin maintains this verse to be “perhaps the most remarkable place in the whole of Scripture for explaining and magnifying the force of this righteousness.”[25]   Here Calvin writes, “He [Paul] shows that the mercy of God is the efficient cause; that Christ, with his blood, is the material; that the formal, or instrumental, is faith conceived from the Word; and the final is the glory of the divine righteousness and goodness.”[26] Elsewhere Calvin readily acknowledges philosophy as servant of Christian understanding: “…we see that there was good ground for the distinction which the schoolmen made between necessity, secundum quid, and necessity absolute, also between the necessity of consequent and of consequence.”[27]

In none of the above is it suggested that the substance of philosophy determines the substance of theology.         It is to say, however, that theology appears to need philosophy – or at least to find it highly useful – to deploy philosophical concepts in theological exposition.

Karl Barth makes this point in his exposition of the doctrine of the Trinity. Barth regards as short-sighted those who are impatient with the doctrine on the grounds that it appears to rely for its articulation on the philosophy current at the time of the Council of Nicaea (ca. 325.) Barth acknowledges the

…indisputable connexion of the dogma [of the Trinity] with the philosophy of the age.  By proving philosophical involvement we can reject the confessions and theology of any age and school, and we can do his more effectively the less we see the beam in our own eye.  For linguistically theologians have always depended on some philosophy and linguistically they always will.  But instead of getting Pharisaically (sic) indignant about this and consigning whole periods to the limbo of a philosophy that is supposed to deny the gospel – simply because our own philosophy is different – it is better to stick strictly to the one question what the theologians of the earlier period were really trying to say in the vocabulary of their philosophy.[28]

Theology cannot be articulated apart from philosophical concepts and vocabulary. At the same time, the content of philosophy and theology are not identical.  Therefore theology must adapt its proper content to the forms of discourse in its immediate environment.  If theology fails to adapt then it speaks to no one, however rich its content may be. On the other hand, if in seeking to adapt, theology adopts the substance described by the forms of discourse in its immediate environment, it will find that however well it communicates it has nothing to say, theology now being able to do no more than reflect the world back to the world.

The line between “adapt” and “adopt” is finer than a hair and harder than diamond. In truth, most of the time Christian witness finds itself now on one side of the line and then on the other, trusting that on balance it tiptoes down the boundary. The option that theology never has is to “play it safe” and make no effort at adapting for fear of adopting, for to “play it safe” is to guarantee the disappearance of witness.

Kierkegaard knew as much. While remaining an unrelenting foe of philosophy’s disdain for Abraham who, unfortunately, “got no further than faith,” Kierkegaard concludes his criticism of Hegel and Hegel’s “Absolute” by conscripting Hegel as Kierkegaard tells the reader that Abraham – everywhere the prototype of philosophy-defying faith – is lost unless “…the single individual as the single individual stands in an absolute relation to the absolute.”[29]

Since it appears philosophy will always be essential to theology, is the difference between philosophy and theology an irreconcilable difference? In some respects there may continue to be an irreconcilable difference.         Years ago my chief philosophical mentor, Emil Fackenheim, commented to me that radical evil, evil for the sake of evil, evil enacted for no other reason than perverse delight in evil, is precisely that surd over which metaphysics finally stumbles – “surd”, in mathematical parlance, being that which can never be made to fit an expression that is mathematically elegant.

At the same time, within the realm of truth or reality that theology acknowledges, might there be room for philosophy in the form of a re-formulated natural theology? Within this realm cannot philosophy argue from the creaturely order to its “silent cry” for a sufficient reason?   This is not a philosophical attempt at supplanting, for instance, redemption as the content of revelation.   But it is to argue, from within the realm established by revelation; it is to argue philosophically that the truth of theology is not inherently philosophically impossible.[30]

In this light Hans Urs von Balthasar, in discussing the relation between philosophy and faith, appears to grasp the challenge that has convened this colloquium when he writes

…Ought one not … to say that the Christian, as proclaimer of God’s glory … takes upon himself – whether he wants to or not – the burden of metaphysics?[31]

 

Victor A. Shepherd  March 2007

 

 

[1]Thesis #39, “Disputation Against Scholastic Theology”, Timothy F.  Lull, ed.; Martin Luther’s Basic Theological Writings, (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989) p.15. Luther’s point is that humans can never be more than mere servants of their will, since their will, coram Deo, is governed either by sin or by Christ-in-his-righteousness.

[2]op. cit., #41, p.16.

[3]op. cit., #43, p.16.

[4]op.cit., #50, p.16. By “whole Aristotle” Luther means not only Aristotle’s metaphysical writings but also Aristotle’s scientific writings, newly uncovered in the burgeoning scientific exploration in the Sixteenth Century, and just as newly exposed as false by telescope-aided astronomers.

[5]op. cit., #52, p.17.

[6]op. cit., p.20.

[7]See, e.g., Walter von Loewenich, Luther’s Theology of the Cross; Herbert J.A.Bouman, transl.( Minneapolis : Fortress, 1976, passim.

[8]cf. Gerhard O. Forde, The Captivation of the Will, ( Grand Rapids : Eerdmans, 2005)p.45.

[9]Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ( Philadelphia : The Westminster Press, 1960. J.T. McNeill, ed.; F.L. Battles, transl.) 1.13.21.

[10]op.cit., 1.16.7.

[11]op.cit., 2.2.6.

[12] Kierkegaard, Fear and Trembling, Howard V. Hong and Edna H. Hong, transls. and eds.; (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983) p.37.

[13] Kierkegaard, 32.

[14] Kierkegaard, 32.

[15] Kierkegaard, 23.

[16] When Kierkegaard speaks of faith’s leaving worldly understanding behind he is not advocating irrationality as such.   See C. Stephen Evans, Faith Beyond Reason: A Kierkegaardian Account, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998) chapters 6 and 7.

[17] Kierkegaard, 27.

[18] Kierkegaard, 71.

[19] Kierkegaard, 56.

[20] Kierkegaard, 53, 21.

[21] Kierkegaard, 47.

[22] Kierkegaard, 80.

[23]See T.F. Torrance, The Trinitarian Faith, (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1988) p.128,129.

[24]We might note that Calvin published his Commentary on Romans in 1540. Between 1532 and 1542 at least thirty-five commentaries on Romans were published, including many by Roman Catholic exegetes who disagreed with the Reformers’ reading of that epistle which Protestants cherish above all others.

[25]T.H.L. Parker, Commentaries on Romans: 1532-1542. (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1986) p.198.

[26]op.cit., p.197.

[27]Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, Henry Beveridge, transl. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1953).

[28]Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics, G.W. Bromiley, transl., (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1975) I,1, p.378.

[29]Kierkegaard, Fear and Trembling, p.120.

[30]See Thomas F. Torrance, Karl Barth: Biblical and Evangelical Theologian, (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1990) chapter 5.

[31] Hans Urs von Balthasar, My Work in Retrospect, (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1993)p.85.

The Torrances and the Logic of Reformation

(American Academy of Religion, November 2006)
The Torrances and the Logic of the Reformation

Victor A. Shepherd

 

When I was asked to speak at the 2006 meeting of the Thomas F. Torrance Theological Fellowship, I indicated that I would speak on “The Torrances and the Logic of the Reformation.”   To this I planned to speak on David Torrance and his appreciation of the Israel, both biblical and contemporary, with respect to God’s covenant faithfulness, comparing his appreciation of Israel to that of the Reformers, especially Calvin; on James B. Torrance and seeming deficits in his theology with respect to faith, contrasting his under-attention here to the biblically-delineated understanding of faith found in the Reformers; on Thomas F. Torrance, with respect to extending to a consideration of the homoousion of the Spirit the theological trenchancy that Torrance displayed concerning the homoousion of the Son.

I began with TFT, only to find that with him alone I had exceeded the time-limit assigned me by the Theological Fellowship. For this reason I shall not speak on David or James B., but rather restrict myself to TF.

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Thomas Torrance has become notorious for his insistence on the homoousion as essential to any sound doctrine of the Trinity, arguing that the homoousion safeguards the Incarnation against Arianism and any of the ingredients of Arianism (e.g., Docetism and Ebionitism), even as it safeguards the Trinity against any form of sabellianism or modalism, and the doctrine of God against any form of unitarianism or polytheism.  While TFT’s insistence can be found somewhere, however fleetingly addressed or alluded to, in virtually everything he has published (not least his sermons), his major discussions of the homoousion appear in three overlapping books on the Trinity; namely, The Trinitarian Faith (1988), Trinitarian Perspectives (1994), and The Christian Doctrine of God, One Being Three Persons (1996).

Unrelentingly TFT has shown that without the homoousion of the Father and the Son the gospel is forfeited.         While the difference between homoousion and homoiousion is iota subscript, the smallest letter of the Greek alphabet, this difference, I tell my students, is precisely the difference between asking someone to run your business and asking her to ruin it; namely, the smallest letter of the English alphabet, with catastrophic outcomes in the balance.  The homoousion estops any suggestion that the being of the Son is like the being of the Father, however elevated the degree of likeness.  As TFT has made plain over and over, it matters not whether the being of Father and that of the Son are a lot like or only a little bit like. No degree of similarity can substitute for identity.   Absent identity of being of the Father and the Son, the gospel disappears, leaving behind no more than religious mythology (the “gospel”, so-called, is now no more than tales humans spin in order to try to make sense of their existence) or no more than a human construct (here we could think of the constructs pertaining to the never-ending “quest for the historical Jesus”) that leaves us doing what the apostles never urge us to do; namely, infer a deity lying behind Jesus as the latter is reduced to no more than a “window” by which we may apprehend the deity that he himself is not.         In other words, while all docetic Christologies leave us mythologizing in the pursuit of truth, all ebionite Christologies leave us deducing truth, when the gospel announces itself as truth, reality, since it is God’s incursion, self-bestowal, self-communication, and self-interpretation. Therein the gospel eclipses all mythological speculation and all inferential processes. (Incidentally, with respect to the lattermost, the process whereby the nature of God is inferred from a Son who isn’t quite God, present-day Ebionites – e.g., the questers of the historical Jesus seem not to understand that the characteristic of the biblical God, the Holy One of Israel, is that he speaks.   When he speaks, those addressed know that they have been addressed by an “other”, by the Other; they know what has been spoken and therein know as well who has spoken. According to the logic of scripture, any deity who is inferred or deduced or concluded is ipso facto an idol.   In other words, the quest for the historical Jesus appears to be able to yield no more than an idol.)

All that TFT has brought forward concerning the homoousion of the Father and the Son is pregnant concerning the homoousion of the Son and the Spirit.   TFT has admitted this in many places, not least in his most recent work, The Christian Doctrine of God. Here, for instance, he has written, “…we must think of our being in the Spirit in the incarnate economy of God’s saving acts in Jesus Christ as deriving from and grounded objectively in the homoousial Communion of the eternal Spirit and the eternal Son in the Holy Trinity.” (149) Plainly the homoousion of the Spirit is as crucial as that of the Son in any Christian understanding of God and the participation in God’s own life that constitutes the salvation of God’s people.  In the same way TFT has recognized the manner in which the homoousion of the Spirit protects God’s infinite transcendence against a human encroachment wherein it is assumed that because such terms as “father” or “generate” are used of God, humans can co-opt God or domesticate God or even comprehend God.  In this vein TFT writes, “Let us recall further here the fact that classical Christian theology placed the homoousion of the Spirit alongside the homoousion of the incarnate Son. While the homoousion of the Son expresses the truth that what God is in Christ Jesus he is antecedently and eternally in himself, the bracketing of it with the homoousion of the Spirit has the effect of excising from our thought any projection into God of the creaturely, corporeal or sexist ingredients in the terms ‘father’, ‘son’, ‘offspring’ or ‘generation’ into God. (158) Educing yet another implication of the homoousion of the Spirit, TFT writes, “If the ontological bond between the historical Jesus Christ and God the Father is cut, then the substance falls out of the Gospel, but if the ontological bond between the Holy Spirit and incarnate Son of the Father is cut, so that there is a discrepancy between the economic Trinity and the ontological Trinity, or between the saving activity of the love of God in history and the transcendent activity of God in eternity, then we human beings are left without hope and can have no part or lot in God’s saving activity in Jesus Christ.” (197)   While TFT and others have given no little attention to homoousion with respect to the Son, little work appears to have been done with respect to homoousion of the Spirit. The result is that while the deity of the Son has been highlighted in such a way as to forestall Christological speculation, projection and non-biblical deduction, neglect of the deity of the Spirit has allowed a non-Christologically normed, non-Christologically formed, non-Christologically informed notion of the Spirit to arise. It should be no surprise, then, that the Spirit is invoked to legitimize pantheism, panentheism, the salvific significance of “the world’s great religions” (even as greatness seems to be defined by no more than the number of adherents), the salvific significance of religiosity-in-general (as much of the current preoccupation with “spirituality” suggests), or the salvific significance of irreligion (even though such thinkers as Calvin would deny that humans can ever be irreligious, the fallen human heart and mind remaining a ceaseless factory of idolatry).

The question, then, “Do the Son and the Spirit possess the same nature or merely similar natures?” is no less urgent than the question concerning the Son and the Father. TFT has alluded to this briefly in several places of The Doctrine of God (e.g., pp. 61, 72, 148.) I wish now to propose several considerations concerning the homoousion of Son and Spirit that parallel, where possible, the points that TFT has made passim concerning the cruciality of the homoousion of Son and Father.

 

 

[1] If Son and Spirit are only ontically similar, then there is no protection against that rationalism which appears to be the Achilles heel of the Reformed tradition. The Christo-logic of the Reformation (which Christo-logic, we should note, always entailed a Pneumato-logic) maintained that as Jesus Christ surges over people in the power of the Spirit, this one action of God forges within them the capacity to understand God’s incursion, the categories by which to understand it, and the vocabulary with which to speak of it.  Reformation understanding of the nature of God’s action upon people rendered unnecessary, even counterproductive, any rationalist precursor that qualified the beneficiaries of God’s salvific action to understand it and speak of it. Herein the classic Sixteenth Century Reformers differed from what Calvin called the “schoolmen” and their rationalist apparatus.   Quickly, however, the logic of the Reformation gave way to the logic of Protestant Scholasticism. Aristotelianism returned and occupied the place in Reformed theology that it had occupied in late Mediaeaval scholasticism.   We need only recall the aftermath of Calvin wherein post-Calvinism, Arminianism, and Roman Catholic thought appeared incommensurable on the surface while more profoundly all were aspects of an Aristotelian commonality. While Arminius, for instance, was execrated by post-Calvin Calvinists, few of the latter appeared to understand that the most frequently quoted thinker in Arminius remains Thomas Aquinas, whose Aristotelianism is never in doubt. Post-Calvin scholasticism recrudesced in several manifestations: Roman Catholic and predestinarian (de Baie and Banez), Roman Catholic and non-predestinarian (Suarez and Molina), Protestant and predestinarian (Beza, Gomarus and Junius), Protestant and non-predestinarian (Arminius, Episcopus and Limborch). Regardless of apparent divergences or even apparent theological incommensurables, all of the aforementioned presupposed an Aristotelian substratum in their theology.

As the classic Sixteenth Century Reformers were aware, however, the logic of the substratum alters the logic of the stratum. Despite the theological differences between Arminius and his Calvinist neighbours (e.g., the doctrine of election and the reading of Romans 7), they were one in the foundation of their thought.

Rationalism remains the “default” position of the Reformed tradition (although not of the Reformed tradition only). Rationalism in some form arises when the homoousion of the Spirit is overlooked. While Jesus Christ is acknowledged to be the Son Incarnate without qualification with the result that the nature of the Father isn’t inferred or deduced from scripture’s portrait of the Son, now to be inferred is the effectual presence of this deity. Now effectual presence is what’s to be humanly supplied.  Now a deity lying behind Jesus of Nazareth isn’t concluded; rather, an activity of a spirit lying behind Jesus is concluded, which activity isn’t one with the activity of the Son, and therefore which spirit is less than holy. At this point speculation or mythologizing pertains not to the Son (as happened in the Arian controversy) but instead pertains to the Spirit.  Here there is an “orthodox” acknowledgement of the Son (acknowledgement but not understanding, since a proper understanding of the Son entails the homoousion of the Spirit) that is accompanied by a human projection of the Spirit’s work. Not infrequently one finds in the church an uncompromised acknowledgement of the Son – without qualification or hesitation – even as this acknowledgement is now co-opted for a purpose that diverges from the purpose of scripture. In this situation the Son Incarnate is conscripted to support aspects of liberation theology or feminist theology (or patriarchal theology) or ecological theology or religious pluralism or psycho-spiritual theses that fall short of scripture’s portrayal of the Spirit.

At this point the Spirit is the principle whereby the Incarnate Son is deemed to energize or empower an agenda of transformation where that agenda of transformation isn’t entirely congruent with scripture’s depiction of the definitive, eschatological transformation wrought by the Spirit as the effectual presence of God.  A formally correct acknowledgement of the homoousion of the Son now fuels social or sexual or religious programmes that bear some relation to that “new heavens and a new earth in which righteousness dwells (2nd Peter 3:13) – that is, the acknowledgement of Jesus Christ subserves the correction of what the church rightly pronounces unrighteous – even as, absent the homoousion of the Spirit, what Wesley called “the general tenor” or scripture is truncated. Often church members who resist all such agendas are disdained, subtly or frontally, as lacking theological sophistication when in fact (as TFT never tired of saying, thanks to his reading of Michael Polanyi, and not least the latter’s Personal Knowledge) these “simple” church members know more, vastly more, than they can articulate. In other words, without being able to state it precisely or defend it cogently, in fact that they have “scented” a newer unrighteous that is proffered as the proper redress of what is widely admitted to be an older unrighteousness or injustice. A properly articulated homoousion of the Spirit, needless to say, would strengthen immeasurably those who possess what TFT called a theological “instinct”, however little they are able to articulate it at present.

Where the homoousion of the Spirit isn’t operative, effectiveness in the church’s teaching, preaching, and evangelism are sought elsewhere; not only sought, but found to the detriment of church and world alike.         Frequently my students in Introductory Systematic Theology, rightly zealous for the gospel, protest, “But shouldn’t the church be concerned with converting people, concerned with seeing them converted?” These questions, however, are not identical.  Witness, proclamation, evangelism – this is always the church’s business. Throughout the book of Acts no one comes to faith apart from the mission and ministry of the Christian community.   And in Acts no one comes to faith apart from the ministry of the Holy Spirit, that activity of God whereby he alone renders the church’s ministry saintly effective just because he alone can.

Throughout its history the church has shown itself to lack the patience of God as well as an agenda-free grasp of the purpose of God, with the result that the church overreaches itself and attempts to do God’s work in the face of God’s unendurable slowness, even negligence. The result, as the world is aware where frequently the church isn’t aware, is that the church persecutes. Whenever the church upholds the homoousion of the Son but fails to uphold the homoousion of the Spirit, the church turns its unexceptionable recognition of the Son into a weapon that it wields against people whose recalcitrance has imperilled them spiritually, such coercion being able to move them along to a saving confession. The coercion can be physical, social or psychological; but it remains coercion, and it arises through a defective understanding of the relation of the Spirit to the Son, as the vulnerability of the crucified Son is contradicted by the non-vulnerability of a coercive church.

Tragically, pathetically, in the name of its Lord the church advertises its unbelief in its Lord, for plainly its resorting to coercion announces that it doesn’t trust God to do what God insists God alone can do; namely, quicken faith in the sin-ravaged heart by means of the Holy Spirit. Not to put too fine an edge on it, non-recognition of the homoousion of the Spirit issues in a seeming Christological zeal that merely publicizes the church’s atheism. To be sure, in his dispute with Erasmus on the bondage of the will Luther said that apart from Jesus [i.e., apart from the cross] God is indistinguishable from the devil. Luther was aware, without mentioning it in this one instance, that it is only as the Spirit renders us beneficiaries of the cross, only as the Spirit quickens faith in the crucified, do we know the God who is forever distinguished from the devil.

While much has been said about Luther’s theologia crucis and his disavowal of theolgia gloriae, little attention has been paid to the cruciality of the identity of the crucified and the Spirit.  Briefly, a theology of glory occurs whenever it is thought that God can be derived from metaphysical speculation, whenever it is thought that the truth and nature of God can be read off nature or read off the face of history, and whenever the church becomes triumphalistic. Concerning the church’s confusion between its triumphalism and the true triumph of the crucified (triumphant in that he is raised from the dead, as the church correctly notes, but is raised wounded, suffering still, vulnerable yet in the suffering of the world, as the church too often fails to note) enough has already been said.  Concerning the first point of Luther’s theologia crucis, the derivation of God from metaphysical speculation, Luther, eschewing all forms of rationalism (his vehement “faith seizes reason by the throat and strangles the brute” must be kept in mind), was always aware that only that Spirit whose activity is the action of God, and therefore the action of God the Son according to Luther’s conviction, could bring humans to a knowledge of God by means of the crucified. Beneficiaries now of the mercy of the crucified God, they can recognize assorted theologies of glory for what they are.  Apart from Spirit-wrought living faith in the crucified God, however, biblically orthodox theology remains an ideational construct and therein akin to philosophical speculation, from which one must infer or deduce God. The difference in content between biblically orthodox theology and philosophical speculation doesn’t of itself protect the former from an ideational construct whose lack of Holy Spirit renders its “miss” as good as a mile.

In a somewhat “softer” form of rationalism there isn’t a conclusion or inference to be drawn entirely naturalistically; instead the Spirit is said to facilitate illumination.   The Spirit operates at the level of mind, but at the level of mind only without reference to the heart.   Here the truth of God can be known without the knower herself being brought into the orbit of the “new creation”, without the knower herself being rendered a new creature within the new creation.  The Spirit is little more than the influence of a Deistic deity who provides the conditions for a humanly engendered knowledge of God; i.e., there is an outer structure of “grace” (admittedly a soft, dilute “grace” that is less than scripture’s understanding of grace as the living God’s uncompromisable faithfulness to his covenant). The outer structure of “grace” is complemented by an inner content of human possibility and human achievement. The Spirit, then, is the divinely-supplied condition by which human achievement occurs. This notion, of course, is epistemic semi-Pelagianism.

Where such Spirit-facilitated illuminationism is said to operate, “knowing” is closer to the outlook of the Enlightenment than to that of scripture. In scripture, to know God is to participate in the reality of God and therein, thereby, be rendered forever different.   Our knowledge of God is the precisely the difference our engagement with this “Other” has made to us when we meet this “Other” as Person.   Only as the Spirit is admitted to be God is the activity of the Spirit that act of God whereby God renders us participants in God’s own life. Only as the Spirit is God (i.e., homoousially identical with Father and Son) is the activity of the Spirit that act of God whereby the God who knows himself includes us in his self-knowing.

 

[2] In what follows I aim at tracing item-by-item with respect to the homoousion of the Spirit some of the points that TFT has emphasized with respect to the homoousion of the Son

[a] Whatever we say of the Son we can say of the Spirit except “Son”.   To deny this is to deny the deity of the Spirit, and therefore to deny the eternal Tri-unity of God. To deny the eternal Tri-unity of God is to deny the immanent or ontological Trinity. The result is that there remains only an economic Trinity, an economic Trinity ungrounded in an immanent Trinity. The problems that arise here are legion.   Whereas the non-identity of being between Father and Son means that we can no longer be certain that the “face” of God that we know by revelation is one with the heart of God in God’s innermost, intra-triune life, the parallel non-identity of being between Son and Spirit means that the “face” of God that we seen in the Son might not be one with the act of God whereby the Spirit supposedly brings us to Christ and Christ to us. What, then, is the work of the Spirit? Where might the Spirit be taking us? To what end? And how shall we be able to “discern” or test the spirits if the nature or being of the Holy Spirit is that which is most in question?   Plainly the denial of the homoousion of the Spirit is no less catastrophic than the denial of the homoousion of the Son. (Non-congruence between economic and immanent Trinities for any reason, i.e., whether on account of the Son or the Spirit, lands theology in all the problems Paul Molnar has discussed in his Divine Freedom and the Doctrine of the Trinity and David Lauber in his Descent into Hell.)

[b] TFT earlier pointed out that any detraction from the Son detracts from the Father; i.e., whatever the Father as giver might give, he doesn’t give himself, with the result that giver and gift aren’t identical.  The consequence of this has to be that while God gives, he withholds himself. The apostle’s cry “He didn’t spare his own Son” has the force of “God didn’t spare himself” – and this is now denied.

In the same way detraction from the Spirit detracts from the Son since the gift (the Son) is now willed by the Father yet fails to accomplish the purpose for which the Father gives it even as the Son longs to be given effectually.  (See John 12:27: “Now is my soul troubled.  And what shall I say? ‘Father, save me from this hour’?  No, for this purpose I have come to this hour.”   Here the Father grants the Son’s profounder request [profounder, that is, than “If it be possible….”].)  In short, where the homoousion of the Son is upheld but that of the Spirit is denied, giver and gift are one but they remain ineffectual.  God can be said to be alive, even be said to merciful (he spares not his own Son) but ultimately ineffectual in that his Word “goes forth from [his] mouth” but in fact does “return to me empty”, since it did not “accomplish that which I purpose, and prosper in the thing for which I sent it.” (Isaiah 55:11)         Only as the disobedient sinner is brought to faith by God the Spirit, and rendered a new creature is the purpose of Incarnation and Crucifixion accomplished.

[3] Just as the Father isn’t Father in that he is the Father of believers (therein requiring something creaturely in order to be who he is) but rather is Father in that he is the Father of the Son and is therefore eternally, intrinsically Father, so the homoousion of the Spirit means that God is eternally, intrinsically the ceaseless activity, the “doing”, of the Father loving the Son and the Son reciprocating that love in the bond of the Spirit. In other words, the homoousion of the Spirit is essential if love as “doing”, act (rather than mere attitude) is to remain operative. This truth is freighted concerning Christian discipleship. For instance, Leviticus 19:2 can be defended as the “root” commandment of scripture (in contrast to the “great” commandment): “You shall be holy, for I the Lord your God am holy.”   One the one hand, God’s holiness is his unique Godness and therefore he alone is holy. On the other hand, God’s people are commanded to be holy, the “root” commandment of scripture gathering up all others.  Since God is love eternally in the sense of ceaseless activity or “doing”, God’s people are holy inasmuch as the “root” commandment is seen to be related to the “great” commandment”: we are to love the Lord our God, together with our neighbour. We love God and neighbour alike, however, not through adopting an attitude or assuming a posture; we love God and neighbour by being “doers of the Word” (James 1:22 ). We are not to “love in word or speech but in deed and in truth.” (1st John 3:18)   What’s real is not merely to be apprehended; what’s real (ultimately God and his claim upon us and our concrete obedience in the sphere of his love and in fellowship with him) is to be done. (John 3:21) Love as ceaseless activity expressing one’s nature characterizes God’s people inasmuch as it first characterizes God himself.

[4] The homoousion of the Spirit is a bulwark against all forms of unitarianism.  Absent the Spirit, a unitarianism of the Father arises wherein the God who is infinitely transcendent is one-sidedly “high and lifted up” so as to be inaccessible – and unknowable, since if God were only infinitely transcendent, humans couldn’t even know this much.  Absent the Spirit, a unitarianism of the Son arises wherein Jesus is rendered our “chum”, lending himself to all our agendas, never challenging us or correcting us. Absent the homoousion of the Spirit, a unitarianism of the Spirit arises wherein God is indistinguishable from a subjectivism that has surrendered all appreciation of truth and has elevated religious “inwardness” uncritically.  The homoousion of the Spirit means that the Spirit is Holy Spirit only in conjunction with the Father and the Son.  A profounder grasp of this point would do much to spare the church charismatic distortions that arise from a unitarianism of the Spirit, even as the charismatic dimension of the church has highlighted the frigid unitarianism of the Father and the naturalistic unitarianism of the Son.

Similarly the homoousion of the Spirit is a bulwark against polytheism, for the Spirit isn’t a second deity or a different sort of deity or a subordinate deity. The Holy Spirit is simply God.

And of course the homoousion of the Spirit is a bulwark against dependency on the church.  Earlier it was noted that the Father needs nothing creaturely in order to be Father. In the same way the Spirit, whose activity is related much more closely to the church than to the creation, needs nothing ecclesial in order to be Spirit. (This point is to be noted with respect to those theologies that suggest the Spirit to be tied to the church or to inhere the church or to be anything other than lord of the church.)

 

[5] In his discussion of the homoousion of Father and Son TFT has highlighted its gospel-significance by asking “What is implied if Father and Son are not of one being?” The same question must be put concerning the homoousion of Son and Spirit: What is implied if this latter truth ceases to remain embedded in the church’s consciousness?

[a] God is utterly unknowable. Arius had said that no creature (e.g., the Son) can mediate knowledge of God.  If the Spirit isn’t God, without qualification, then God isn’t known in the biblical sense of “know”, where knowledge isn’t characteristically the acquisition of information by means of mastery but rather is transformation through engagement with an “other” who is person, and all of this by means of surrender.  If the Spirit isn’t God, our knowledge of God is no more than a matter of “reading off” God from the face of Jesus, not necessarily “advancing” to a God behind a Jesus who is no more than a window to him but nonetheless confusing everyday knowledge as the accumulation of information with that biblical “knowing” which is transmutation.  Human knowledge of God, it must be remembered, is precisely the difference, the transformation, arising in the knower through her self-abandonment to the Person of God.  Where the homoousion of the Spirit is neglected, knowledge of God (so-called) is a one-sided cerebralism or “informationism” where orthodox truths (abstractions by definition) are assimilated even as the heart remains unaltered by the concreteness of that Truth which is reality.

It can reasonably be proffered that an operative denial of the homoousion of the Spirit underlies evangelicalism’s preoccupation with apologetics. Few Christians would object to the heuristic apologetics that helps doubters past those matters that appear to impede people from embracing the gospel (e.g., naturalistic, reductionist arguments against faith, which arguments can readily be exposed as lacking cogency).  Entirely different is the apologetics that establishes, and maintains there needs to be established, the conditions for the possibility of God, then for the possibility of incarnation (for instance), then for the possibility of faith, the actuality of faith, and finally for the assurance of faith.  In its commitment to apologetics has much contemporary evangelicalism tacitly denied the homoousion of the Spirit, assuming that philosophical demonstration can do what the Spirit ought to do but seemingly fails to do?   In the same vein, does the preoccupation with apologetics deny that the integrity (albeit not the structure) of reason is compromised in the Fall? All of this is undercut by the efficacy of that Spirit who is God; specifically God working to bring the human putative knower into the sphere of God’s self-knowing. None of this can be accused of countenancing faith as no more than an exercise in irrationality. Faith reasons as surely as faith trusts. It is, however, to admit that while the structure of reasoning survives the Fall, the integrity of reasoning concerning God and humankind’s relationship to God is compromised by the Fall.   Such compromised integrity can be restored only by means of grace, in faith. In other words, grace/faith restores reason to reason’s integrity.  (Hans Urs von Balthasar’s articulation here is a salutary reminder:

“…the word of God is not of this world and hence can never be discovered in the categories  and accepted patterns of human reason.”(Prayer p. 61)

“I was appointed by God from all eternity to be the recipient of this…eternal

word of love, a word, which, pure grace though it be, is…more rational than

my reason, with the result that this act of obedience in faith is in truth the

most reasonable of acts.” (p. 62)

 

[b] TFT has pointed out that absent the homoousion of the Son it can’t be held that there is oneness between what the gospel presents as the revelation of God and God himself.   Absent the homoousion of the Spirit it can’t be held that there is oneness between what the gospel presents as the revelation of God and that appropriation without which “revelation” as such hasn’t occurred, since revelation is revelation only if there is a human participant.  Absent the homoousion of the Spirit, “revelation” would be no more than rationalistic ideation or non-rationalistic emotion stimulated by human proximity to a depiction of the Son, however orthodox.  In other words, apart from the homoousion of the Spirit the apostolic portrayal of Jesus Christ becomes the stimulus to concepts and affects to which the Holy Spirit is applied as a means of sanctifying what the apostolic depiction of Jesus Christ arouses naturalistically but doesn’t in truth generate as a concomitant of apprehending Christ as the One who bears and bestows that Spirit who magnifies him. In short, it appears that to overlook the homoousion of the Spirit is to find even scripture, and specifically its depiction of Jesus, advancing a religious paganism within the church.

[c] TFT has stated that absent the homoousion of the Son the gospel can’t be God’s self-bestowal or self-communication; i.e., God may be said to bestow and communicate, but now necessarily something less than, other than, himself – and all of this on account of a deficiency in the Son.  Absent the homoousion of the Spirit the gospel can’t be God’s self-bestowal, God’s self-communication. Here there is a frustration in God in that what God wills in himself and accomplishes in the Son, God can’t effect in us.  Such divine “frustration” leaves the church looking elsewhere for effectiveness.

The Protestant Reformation, aware of the deity of the Spirit, didn’t undervalue the experiential dimension of faith; indeed, the Magisterial Reformers, concerned with the correction and re-articulation to be sure, nonetheless gave far greater place to “the Word in the heart” than they are commonly thought to have done. One need only read Luther, where he speaks of “hearing the voice” together with grasping the doctrine; the bridegroom saying ‘you are mine’, and the bride saying ‘you are mine’; etc., or read Calvin and the latter’s use of “feel” (Calvin’s Institutes and Commentaries abound in “feel” and similar terms as Calvin ever remains a theologian of the heart.) The Reformation’s concern for assurance, the assurance of faith (i.e., the assurance of one’s salvation) is attestation enough.  For this reason the Reformers acknowledged the experiential aspect of crucial biblical texts; e.g., Galatians 3:2 – “Let me ask you only this: Did you receive the Spirit [an unambiguous reference to an event in their lives whose vividness was undeniable and therefore could serve as the foundation of the point Paul wanted to make with them] by works of the law or by hearing with faith?”   In other words, was the startling vividness of their Spirit-wrought immersion in Christ the result of their appropriating the gospel in faith or the result of having endeavoured to conform themselves to a lifeless code? What they could never deny or forget was the vividness of the Spirit within them.

In light of the normative place of scripture in the thought of the Magisterial Reformers, there is no stepping around, e.g., the force of Paul’s experience: the Damascus Road arrest, subsequent visions and voices and trances.   And then there are his “revelations”.  On the hand he doesn’t preach them, content to preach only Christ crucified. On the other hand, apart from his revelations, he wouldn’t be an apostle at all and therefore would have nothing to say.         The apostle candidly admits the “abundance of revelations” (2nd Cor. 12:1, 7; cf. Gal. 1:12 ; 2:2). They have all left him as one of those who “love our Lord with love undying.” (Eph. 6:24)

In the history of the church Roman Catholics appear to have visions while Protestants do not.  Does a tacit neglect (to say the least) of a homoousion of the Spirit result in large areas of scripture remaining closed to Protestants?         Abraham is the prototype of faith in older and newer testaments.  We are told “…the word of the Lord came to Abram in a vision” (Gen15:1). To be sure, the vision was given to convey the word. Still, the vision can’t be discounted. Yet Protestants, rightly Word-oriented, do little with other scriptural depictions of God’s approach and self-impartation.         Why? (Recall Jean Brebeuf, Jesuit missionary to the Huron aboriginal people of Georgian Bay . Just as visions had been crucial in the spiritual formation and vocation of Loyola one hundred years earlier, vision would be no less crucial in the spiritual life of missioner and people, for Jean de Brebeuf was privileged to “see”, one night amidst his comfortable life in France, a flaming cross suspended above the Huron encampment in the New World.         Thereafter he never doubted what he was to do or why.  How is his vision/dream different from mere fantasy or wishful thinking?

Jonathan Edwards spoke much of “Religious Affections”: a felt response to an object grounded in an understanding of the nature of that object. Edwards distanced all such affection from emotion or passion. Emotion presupposes no understanding whatever of anything supposed to have aroused it. Passion, said Edwards, is problematic in that its passivity contradicts the act and event that faith and obedience are; in addition, passion entails loss of self-control, whereas the fruits of the Holy Spirit include self-control. Nonetheless, while religious affection (Edwards’ way of speaking of faith) presupposes an understanding of the nature of God, affection ever remains affective, as Edwards never tired of pointing out in his exploration of the phenomenon of Spirit-wrought faith.)

Similarly John Wesley, in his landmark tract “The Almost Christian”, maintained that unbelievers are characterized by lack of faith in God, while believers are characterized by – faith in God?   By love for God, insists Wesley, even as he immediately goes on to speak of their faith. Wesley can never be read hereby as upholding justification by love.         From the moment of his Aldersgate awakening he never ceased to insist on justification by faith, even as he praised the Book of Common Prayer for insisting on it and faulted Quakerism for neglecting it.  Wesley’s point, rather, is that faith in Christ and love for Christ presupposed and imply each other.  Without love for Christ, faith in Christ degenerates into “beliefism” where the assimilation of doctrine is equated with living engagement with the living Lord.  Without faith in Christ, love for Christ denies the necessity of the atonement and hinges justification on the quality of the believer’s love.

The Pauline corpus is where Protestants customarily look first; certainly where the Magisterial Reformers looked first – even as their descendents, post-Reformation Protestant scholastics, overlooked a major dimension of Paul himself.

What can be vouchsafed to the apostle can be vouchsafed to anyone. The question the church must ask is “How are genuine revelations to be distinguished from religious ‘boilovers’?” In truth, the Spirit-formed, Spirit-informed, Spirit-normed affective or experiential aspect to faith is a matter the church neglects only at is peril, for deficits in the church spawn the sects.

As a pastor (for 36 years) I have come to see that people suffer enormous affective deprivation; specifically, Christians suffer from affective deficits related to faith.  It is little wonder that needy, vulnerable people are thereby exposed to the blandishments of psycho-religious nostrums that don’t deliver what they hold out. Always to be kept in mind are two facts: human affective need, both natural and spiritual, and the affective, experiential dimension of genuine gospel faith.

[d]         TFT had intimated that absent the homoousion of the Son, then in Jesus Christ God has not condescended to us, and his love (so-called) has stopped short of becoming one with us.  TFT’s point is incontrovertible.   The Father would have given us something to fix us, even given us the “fix-me-up” out of love, but it would have remained a fix that allowed him to fix us at arm’s length – not unlike a surgeon who remedies a patient, to be sure, yet who always does so by not undergoing himself the surgery he prescribes for the patient.  (Here we need to recall psychiatrist Gerald May’s insight: “Something deep inside us knows we can’t love safely; either we love defencelessly or we don’t love at all.”)

Absent the homoousion of the Spirit none of the foregoing would apply, in that God would have loved us defencelessly; but this time his love would have stopped short of saving us as his self-giving remained finally ineffective.  Self-giving to the point of self-immolation would have remained self-inhibiting, even self-defying as the self-giving failed to result in a people that lives for the praise of God’s glory. (Eph. 1:12)

[e] Once again, TFT insisted that absent the homoousion of the Son, there is no ontological, and therefore no epistemological, connexion between the love of Jesus and the love of God. God could be said to love us in Jesus even as God isn’t actually that love in himself.  This being the case, there might be a dark, unknown God behind the back of Jesus Christ. (Surely this is one problem with Calvin’s doctrine of reprobation: there is an act of the Father that isn’t an act of the Son.) The giver of grace and the gift of grace are not the same. In other words, while God can be said to love us, does his love exhaust his will and way and work concerning us?  Or does God love us as an act of his even as there remains (or might remain) some other attitude/act wherewith God visits us, whose nature or purpose we don’t know, even can’t know?

Absent the homoousion of the Spirit, there is no ontological connexion, and therefore no epistemological connexion, between the Son and that “spirit” which may infuse us and inspire us to lofty human heights, even as that spirit has to be less than holy, since such a spirit has to be less than God, creaturely by definition.  While giver and gift may remain one, the “giving” of grace isn’t one with giver and gift. Then who or what effects the giving? And what are the implications of this for giver and gift?   Plainly “another spirit” has to be operative.  Then what is ultimately the nature and purpose of such a spirit?  Spirits abound, to be sure, yet absent the homoousion of the Spirit we can only regard them as self-defined (rather than, as is the case of the Holy Spirit, the power that Jesus Christ bears and bestows and therefore the power in which Jesus Christ acts); we can only plead our ignorance of what such spirits intend or what they achieve.

It must never be forgotten that spirits abound not only in the world but in the church, perhaps especially in the church, since the idolatry of religion appears to be a greater problem in the church, given the church’s chronic difficulty in distinguishing religion and faith. In addition, in light of the greater problem religion poses for the church, the spiritual discernment needed in the church is now inherently impossible. Martin Buyer’s perceptive remark – “Modernity is open to religion but closed to faith” – appears to go unheeded in the church, if it is even understood. Not only is the lack, now the impossibility, of such discernment in the church tragic, it is puzzling in that the book of Acts depicts discernment as the principal manifestation of the Holy Spirit in the nascent church – which discernment, of course, is possible only if the Spirit is homoousially identical with Father and Son.

[f]         TFT has indicated that absent the homoousion of the Son the acts of Jesus Christ are not the acts of God, and there is no final authority for anything he said or did.   Absent the homoousion of the Son “spirituality” can’t be distinguished from self-indulgence. Faith always presupposes Jesus Christ as author, as he acts in the power of the Spirit; faith also always presupposes Jesus Christ as object, as he effects in the spiritually inert both the capacity and the desire to embrace the One who has first embraced them.   Apart from the homoousion of the Spirit, faith is reduced to a natural, intrapsychic capability that we “choose” to vest here or there.  Such a notion renders the Holy Spirit entirely superfluous.   (The church today, intoxicated with “spirituality” and its inherent naturalism, hasn’t yet seen that the contemporary church’s deity is bi-une and its soteriology pelagian.)   The result of viewing faith as a natural, human capability is to render faith a human virtue, to render faith in Christ a subset of “faith-in-general”, and to say that it is faith as contribution, albeit faith correctly vested, that saves.

Stung by the world’s accusation regarding its putative narrowness, the church attempts to redress its reputation by means of a non-Christic Spirit. It forgets that the effectiveness of a knife depends on the narrowness of its cutting edge, and therefore only a precisely delineated Christology and Pneumatology add up to an effective theology.         That surgery required for the most profound heart transplant (Ezekiel 36) can’t be performed with something as broad and therefore as blunt as a crowbar. In addition, the church today appears in danger of forgetting that only a Christological exclusivity is Pneumatologically comprehensive and therefore salvific. If faith ceases to be quickened only as the risen, victorious Crucified acts on people in the power of the Spirit, and if faith is thereby reduced to a natural talent or virtue, then the predicament of those lacking such a talent is hopeless. To say the same differently: if Jesus Christ, risen from the dead, brings with him a renewed cosmos and therefore a renewed humanity, and if this is ours only as we are rendered participants in it through the power of the Holy Spirit, then only the exclusivity of Incarnation, Cross and Pentecost are salvifically inclusive.

[g] TFT maintains that absent the homoousion of the Son we shall be judged by a God who is arbitrary in that he bears no relation to Jesus Christ and all that the latter stood for.

Absent the homoousion of the Spirit we shall be judged by a God who made provision for us, admittedly, but merely made provision for us; in the course of which made himself proximate to us in our fallen humanness, but merely made himself proximate. By whom, then, are we to be judged? Plainly by someone who left it to creaturely spirits, left it to us to “make the connexion”. We shan’t be judged by a God who is arbitrary in that he bears no relation to Christ, but rather now by a God who in effect teased us, tantalized us with the sufficient provision he made and placed before humans with their “freedom of choice” that, of course, is no freedom at all but simply the randomness of indeterminism as the fallen creature continued to flounder.

—————————————–

The last word today has to be given to Thomas F. Torrance himself: “…unless the Being and Activity of the Spirit are identical with the Being and Activity of the Father and the Son, we are not saved.” (The Christian Doctrine of God, 169)

John Calvin and the Life of Prayer

John Calvin on the Life of Prayer[1]

 

[1]         What do you believe?   What do you really believe?   Please note that I haven’t asked you to tell me what you say you believe. We all like to think that there’s no discrepancy between what we say we believe and what in truth we do believe. But as a matter of fact there exists in all of us a discrepancy – smaller in some people but larger in most – between what we believe and what we say we believe.

For a long time now I’ve been convinced that what we really believe about God, about the gospel, about ourselves is indicated by what we pray for. If others could peer into our heart they would see immediately how we understand God, what we expect from him, what we hope for concerning ourselves and the church and the world.

Many of Calvin’s prayers have been preserved.   They admit us to his heart. What we are privileged to see of Calvin’s heart through perusing his prayers we find reflected repeatedly in Calvin’s head.   In other words, Calvin’s theology of prayer and his practice of prayer are far more consistent than we find in most Christians.

There’s something else we should know about Calvin and prayer: our beloved foreparent in the Reformed expression of the faith has written more on prayer than anyone else in the history of the church.  While no one has written as much, many have written at length.  Few, however, come close to him in sensitivity and profundity.         This shouldn’t surprise us, in view of the inner and outer situation from which Calvin wrote everything; namely, the situation of the refugee. From the time of his conversion in 1534 until his death in 1564 Calvin was haunted by his awareness that he was a refugee.   Like any refugee, he knew that life is precarious; political rulers are treacherous; betrayal at the hands of the church is ready-to-hand. Above all, the refugee is possessed of an inner and outer homelessness that will disappear only in the eschaton as the City of God , long promised God’s people, is made theirs eternally.

 

[2]         “Prayer”, writes Calvin, “is an intimate conversation of the pious with God.”  Intimate, yes, but never presumptuous; intimate, yes, but never sentimental or saccharine. “An intimate conversation of the pious with God”? Yes, but the piety of the pious isn’t religiously “smarmy” or sickly sweet.  While “piety” is a pejorative term today, it’s one of Calvin’s richest words, for everywhere in his theology piety is “that reverence [or fear] joined with love of God which the knowledge of his benefits induces.”[2]   In other words, just because we are the beneficiaries of all that God has wrought on our behalf in the cross of his Son, we are constrained to love God in gratitude, and reverence (fear) God in adoration. Piety, then, has nothing to do with religious sentimentality or “palsy-walsyness.”         At the same time, the force of “intimate” should never be reduced: through prayer believers do meet God himself – “in person”, says Calvin. Thereby they “experience” (another rich word in Calvin’s vocabulary that the Reformed tradition reads past too quickly in its headlong flight into near-rationalism); they “experience” that God’s promises are more than a verbal declaration. Categorically Calvin states that “prayer is the chief exercise of faith”, and by means of this chief exercise believers “receive God’s benefits.”

Calvin knew that we shall ever need God’s benefits or blessings, for we are “destitute and devoid of all good things.”   When Calvin speaks of “all good things” we must be sure to understand that he isn’t speaking moralistically.         He’s always aware that fallen humankind, “totally depraved” for sure, nonetheless remains capable of that moral good essential to the preservation of the social order.  Not speaking moralistically, Calvin everywhere speaks theologically: he denies that fallen humans are capable of the good, Kingdom-good, the righteousness that is nothing less than right relationship with God, which right relationship pleases God and glorifies him.   For these “good things,” says Calvin, we must go “outside ourselves” and receive them from “elsewhere.”

“Elsewhere,” of course, is Jesus Christ.  Christ alone is that “overflowing spring” given us for our eternal good. Since Christ alone is this, the “good things” of which Calvin speaks aren’t things at all. Rather they are all the promises of God vouchsafed to believers, which promises are gathered up in the one, grand promise that comprehends them all and guarantees them all. This one, grand promise, of course, is Jesus, the One who has fulfilled God’s covenant with humankind on our behalf.  Believers can count on “good things” through prayer in so far as they continue to acknowledge that Jesus Christ is the good, the blessing, who comes to his people as the fulfilment of all the Father’s promises.

While Calvin characteristically insists that Christ is the overflowing spring and therefore sheer gift, the fact that Christ is gift never diminishes our need to seek in him what we have learned through the gospel to be stored up in him. Calvin is unyielding here. While Christ remains gift, prayer is anything but lackadaisical passivity or cavalier sleepiness. Believers must resolutely “dig up” by prayer the treasures of God’s promises as surely as someone, informed of treasure buried in a field, will profit from such treasure only if she pursues it.  While “dig up” never has, for Calvin, the force of pry out of or coax from a grudging and reluctant deity what desperate people need and crave, prayer nonetheless remains a human activity that believers must undertake with unrelenting ardour.  To be sure, we don’t badger God or pester him; still, we must importune him relentlessly – otherwise it can only be concluded that we aren’t serious. Reflecting yet again the seriousness of persistent prayer, Calvin speaks of prayer as a “sacrifice of worship,” insisting prayer to be what the God-appointed sacrifices of old were; namely, a human activity that is yet the vehicle of God’s blessing descending upon us.   Unless we importune God unrelentingly, says Calvin, our faith can legitimately be suspected of being “sleepy or sluggish.”

Calvin, as is his custom, reads scripture so very closely as to note that while prayer is God’s appointed means of meeting our needs, our needs are never the ground of prayer.  Prayer is grounded in the command of God.         Ultimately we are to pray not because we are ceaselessly needy, but rather because God’s command and claim are ceaselessly operative.   Moreover, since the God who commands us to pray is never a tyrant or an ogre but is rather “easily entreated and readily accessible,” not to pray is simply to advertise ourselves as disobedient and distrustful.

In addition, not to pray would also be the height of folly in light of our frailty and fragility in the midst of a turbulent world.   Any slackness in prayer could only mean that we had stupidly imperilled ourselves. Such peril, Calvin notes, has to be intuited or sensed rather then taught, since “words fail to explain how necessary prayer is.”         As is the case with mystery of any sort, words may point to a profundity whose depths forever find such words insufficient, but words can never do justice to the profundity they attempt to describe.   The peril of prayerlessness, then, is a peril sensed by the spiritually alert rather than a peril taught by the verbally adept.  A refugee like Calvin characteristically sensed the peril of prayerlessness, and for this reason could write, tersely and plaintively in equal measure, “The only stronghold of safety is in calling upon [God’s] name.”

Whenever we do call upon God’s name we “call upon him to reveal himself as wholly present to us.”  Calvin’s expression here is intriguing as he struggles to persuade us of prayer’s efficacy.  Since God is omnipresent, could he ever be absent?  Since God is indivisible, could he ever be partially present?   What Calvin is struggling to say, however awkwardly, is that we may be assured that as we pray, God will become startlingly vivid to us, and more vivid to us through prayer than through any other means, however vivid. The outcome of our vivid awareness of God’s presence will be nothing less than “an extraordinary repose and peace to our consciences” – in the midst of all the insecurities and treacheries, it must be remembered, that continue to harass God’s people.

 

[3]         We have seen Calvin ground prayer in the command and promise of God. We have seen Calvin highlight the human frailty and fragility that renders slackness concerning prayer folly. We have noted Calvin’s insistence that the heart senses or intuits the folly of indifference concerning prayer before the head reasons about all of this. At the same time, Calvin is never one to neglect the head.  And so now we turn to the six reasons Calvin brings forward concerning the place of prayer in the Christian life.

Reason One: We are to pray in order “that our hearts may be fired with a zealous and burning desire ever to seek, love and serve [God], while we become accustomed in every need to flee to him as to a sacred anchor.” Plainly Calvin regards prayer as a habit to which all believers should aspire.   And plainly there is but one anchor, the sacred anchor, despite the plethora of human needs.

Reason Two: We are to pray in order that our hearts, preoccupied with the Kingdom and its righteousness, might never be distracted or deflected, might never be co-opted for anything less than the King himself. As long as our hearts desire him, says Calvin, our hearts will desire nothing that would render us ashamed before God.

Reason Three: We are to pray in order that our hearts may ever be attuned to thanksgiving, since we know that every blessing comes from God (and since, of course, we are grateful above all for the blessing, our eternal salvation given to us from the One who didn’t spare his own Son.)

Reason Four: We are to pray in order to enhance our spiritual alertness as we are increasingly enabled to recognize answers to prayer. What’s more, as we recognize answers to prayer we shall subsequently come to meditate “more ardently” on the kindness that alone supplies our need. (“More ardently,” of course, underlines Calvin’s insistence that prayer is a vigorous activity requiring resilience, perception and persistence; anything, in other words, but a “Now I lay me down to sleep” thoughtlessness undertaken at day’s end when we are too fatigued to do little more than mumble mindlessly before weariness renders us unconscious.)

Reason Five: We are to pray in order that we may delight still more in all that we know our praying has obtained for us.   (Once again, delighting in God is a feature of Calvin’s theology that has found its way into his Puritan successors but has not found its way, it would appear into his successors in many other areas of the Reformed tradition. Two hundred years after Calvin, John Wesley maintained that of all the privileges that unbelievers forfeit, one of the greatest privileges they renounce is sheer, simple, delight in God. If Calvin had been heard characteristically promoting believers’ delight in God, the word “dour” wouldn’t come to mind as soon as the word “Presbyterian” is heard; and if Calvin had been heard characteristically promoting our delight in God, a more charismatic expression of the faith would have found a home in the Presbyterian tradition, and such charismatic expression would thereby have been preserved from an inherent tendency to unbiblical one-sidedness and shallowness.)

Reason Six: We are to pray in order that we may confirm God’s generosity and care for us “by use and experience.”         Here Calvin means that our heart-discerned and heart-owned experience of God’s answer to prayer, together with the use we make of our experience of God; all this in turn authenticates and endorses the efficacy of prayer and the promises of God, even as it confirms us in the truth and reality of our being “in Christ.”

Calvin sums up the six reasons for prayer by insisting that as we pray, even amidst circumstances dreadful enough to find us groaning (in other words, amidst circumstances that allow for no natural conclusion that God loves us), our praying becomes the occasion wherein we are persuaded afresh – all “evidence” to the contrary – that God loves us more than we can say but not more than we now know.

 

[4] Having articulated the six reasons for prayer, Calvin proceeds to develop his four “rules” of prayer.

Rule One: When we pray we must be reverently single-minded. Calvin, of course, is always realistic (refugees, we must remember, aren’t permitted the luxury of fantasy or escapism of any sort.)   Realistically, then, Calvin is aware that God’s people are attacked by assaults from without and by anxieties from within.  He’s aware that we can never rid ourselves of all anxieties and distractions, only thereby and only then creating “open space” wherein we may contend with God. Our inescapable assaults and anxieties will have to become the “stuff” (or at least part of the “stuff”) of our daily prayers.  Even so, our minds should aspire to a “purity worthy of God” as we endeavour to contemplate him.  Such contemplation is possible only if the mind is “raised above itself.”

The mind can’t raise itself above itself, however, in light of the assaults and anxieties that harass us – unless we behold the “majesty” or grandeur of God. As we apprehend the grandeur of God we are taken out of ourselves, above ourselves. So very realistically and profoundly are we lifted above ourselves that it’s entirely appropriate for us to lift our hands in prayer, says Calvin in a Pentecostal recognition the Reformed tradition appears not to admit, for raised hands help us in turn to raise our mind yet higher to him whose holiness is enthralling and whose grandeur frees us from our captivity to our mundane predicament with its relentless pain, even as all this occurs without neurotic denial of our pain.

What Calvin has just stated we should linger over; we should savour its cumulative dynamic. We who are God’s people cry out to God in our burdened state, pleading with him to fulfill in us the promises he has made to us and guaranteed for us in Christ. As God answers prayer, we are moved to greater eagerness and ardour in seeking him. Our newly intensified zeal and fortified confidence find him in turn dealing with us “more generously.” It all swells into an upward spiral that leaves believers ever more ardent, blessed and grateful.

At no time, however, are we ever to think that we have God on a string, that prayer is a ready-to-hand means of manipulating God, that we have discovered the tool whereby we can render God the means to our end. God doesn’t answer prayer simply on account of our petition; he answers prayer, rather, only in conformity to his name (that is, his nature) and in accord with our need for sanctity. God never confirms his people in those desires that are childish or ungodly.

Calvin, we have seen already, always maintains prayer to be a vigorous human activity; he always deplores any suggestion of passivity, indolence or inertia. For this reason he maintains that our engagement with God presupposes “keenness of mind” followed by “affection of heart.”   Several matters are to be noted here.

[a] Keenness of mind is essential since prayer is an exercise of faith, and faith presupposes an understanding of the gospel, some understanding of the gospel, however elemental.  “Faith” so-called, that is devoid of understanding is no better than superstition or idolatry.   What’s more, keenness of mind is crucial with respect to our awareness of the nature of God’s promises and our discernment of answers to prayer.

[b] Affection of heart is no less needed than keenness of mind, for without affection of heart “faith” so-called will be reduced to ideation, something that Calvin quaintly says “flits about in the top of the brain”, the mere shuffling of intellectual furniture, however doctrinally correct. Our heart must always be “affected” or else the mere assimilation of doctrine (doctrine being abstract by definition) will become a substitute for the concreteness of loving God “in person.”

[c] Affection of heart, we must note, can only follow keenness of mind. If affection of heart were to precede keenness of mind, “faith” so-called would be no more than sentimentality.  God can be loved (love being the affective dimension of faith) only as God’s nature is apprehended, however rudimentarily.

Calvin’s insistence on this exquisitely fine balance of mind and heart anticipates one of the strengths of the Seventeenth Century Puritan movement even as it exposes the one-sided cerebralism of post-Calvin Reformed Scholasticism and the equally one-sided romanticism of Reformed Neo-Protestantism (specifically, the theological liberalism of Schleiermacher, who, we should remember, was Reformed, not Lutheran, and who spawned an ever-burgeoning theological liberalism that reduced the church to nothing more than the world talking to itself albeit with a religious vocabulary.)

Calvin admits that if our mind is to be “raised above itself” with appropriate keenness and the heart is to be genuinely affected, the Holy Spirit must come to our aid. Calvin, as noted earlier, never loses touch with the harshness of human existence, and therefore he is always quick to acknowledge that the godliest people, when afflicted with atrocious suffering, are overcome with “blind anxieties” that so consume them as to leave them unable to voice in prayer what God’s people should be articulating.  Even when they “try to stammer they are confused and hesitate;” their pain beclouds their understanding and stifles their cry. Only the Holy Spirit can help them – even though the Holy Spirit never substitutes for them.

Calvin is adamant on this point.  The Holy Spirit is God; the saints are human; however Spirit-assisted prayer may be, prayer is always our activity. In short, while the assistance of the Holy Spirit can be counted on to foster and facilitate in us what we can’t achieve ourselves, the Spirit is never given so as to “hinder or hold back our effort.”         Once again the picture Calvin gives of the Christian at prayer is anything but a hands-folded hibernation.  Rather it’s the picture of Abraham, of Job, of Jacob contending with God, wrestling in such a way as to exemplify the patriarch’s “I will not let you go unless you bless me.” (Genesis 32:26)

 

Rule Two: When we pray we must be aware of our insufficiency. How aware must we be? Calvin says we must possess “a burning desire to attain” what we most sorely lack.  Calvin’s vocabulary here says much: his use of “burning” in the second rule and “groaning” in the first reminds us of the ardour and anguish found in true prayer. Calvin’s vehemence is telling. Whether prayer be free or liturgical, it must never be casual or indifferent or perfunctory “as if discharging a duty to God.”    Merely “discharging a duty” is light-years removed from prayer’s characteristic intimate conversation with God in person.   Calvin simply abhors the non-reverent, tuned-out practice born of a “cold heart” and an equally non-reverent mindlessness wherein people “do not ponder what they ask.”         In other words, slackers may recite prayers frigidly and thoughtlessly but they fall short of praying.

Such slackers, Calvin is quick to point out, may possess a vague sense of their need, but they lack the gospel-quickened focus to target “the relief of their poverty.” He illustrates his point by referring to ersatz worshippers who ask for pardon for sin while secretly thinking that they aren’t sinners – or while not thinking that they are sinners.         Calvin’s subtlety here is noteworthy: both spiritual ignorance (‘thinking they aren’t sinners’) and spiritual drowsiness (‘not thinking they are sinners’) are alike reprehensible, and reprehensible to the same extent.

Like all able theologians, Calvin is thoroughly acquainted with human psychology. He knows that moods fluctuate in God’s people as much as in others.  Therefore our constancy in prayer is governed not by our mood but rather by our recollection that however strong we may appear to ourselves at times, in truth we are weak; we never get beyond the neediness that forever keeps us beggars before God.   If we are prone to doubt this, we need only recall the dangers that beset us on all sides, not to mention the temptations that never cease to molest us – including the temptation to slacken in prayer.   If we quibble over the necessity of praying constantly we are most surely exposing ourselves to “hypocrisy and wily falsehoods before God” – if we haven’t already succumbed to such hypocrisy and falsehood.

One feature of the burning awareness of our insufficiency is our awareness that new creatures though we are in Christ, the “old” man or woman still clings to us. In light of the truth that we are new creatures in Christ definitively even as the old creature still haunts us, we need always to repent.  And in fact, says Calvin, only the repentant can rightly be said to pray. Self-examination, then, born of Spirit-quickened self-perception, can bring us to that penitence which Calvin maintains to be both the preparation for prayer and the commencement of prayer.

 

Rule Three: When we pray we must ever recall our residual depravity (the “old” creature of sin who continues to dog the “new” creature in Christ); and recalling our residual depravity, we must divest ourselves of our own glory.         We must cast away all notions of our own worth.  We must give glory to God alone.   Putting aside all self-assurance, we must content ourselves with the one assurance of God’s never-failing care for us.

At this point in his major exposition of prayer Calvin returns to a theme found in Rule Two; namely, confession of guilt and the forgiveness from God by which we are reconciled to God.  For only as we are reconciled to God shall we receive anything from God; only as we are pardoned shall we find God propitious.

“Propitious”: few words in Calvin’s theology loom larger than this word. When Calvin speaks of God as propitious he means that God is fatherly, benevolent, merciful. Believers know God to be propitious inasmuch as we have benefited from propitiation. Propitiation, a word sadly out of fashion in the church today despite its frequent occurrence in scripture, is simply the averting of God’s wrath at God’s initiative. Propitiation must be distinguished from expiation, the bearing of sin and the bearing of it away. Expiation presupposes propitiation. Or to say the same thing, propitiation grounds expiation.  God can bear sin away only because his anger has first been dealt with. Calvin never suggests anything else. In his major exposition of prayer Calvin repeats a theme that is found everywhere in his theology; namely, Christ’s death has “appeased” the Father.  Calvin’s theology is steeped in the nature and force of propitiation, and his Commentary on Hebrews is a sustained amplification of it.

In this regard Calvin maintains that as often as we, Christ’s people, pray, we should recall before God not only the atomistic sins we’ve committed but even the sinnership that continues to infect us systemically. Quoting Psalm 51:5 – “Behold, I was brought forth in iniquity, and in sin did my mother conceive me” – Calvin insists that only God’s mercy, received and enjoyed, allows us to approach God confidently and plead with him as Father instead of cowering before him as just judge.  The forgiveness of sins underlies our commerce with heaven at all times. Only our conviction of God’s mercy – his propitious fatherliness born of propitiation – assures us that our prayers are going to be heard.

 

Rule Four: Knowing that God is propitious, merciful, fatherly, we must always pray with confident hope.  Once again, our confidence here has nothing to do with an unrealistic and therefore ridiculous denial of the upheavals that harass us. While Calvin insists that prayer isn’t prayer unless it is undertaken in confident hope, he never pretends that Christ’s people are to work themselves up into pretending that suffering hasn’t engulfed them.  Calvin is too wise ever to hint, however slightly, that confident expectation in prayer means that people are left expecting themselves to be superhuman – a psychological burden, we know today, that keeps therapists and pharmacists forever employed.  Calvin admits that believers can be “troubled by the greatest unrest;” so very troubled, in fact, as to be “almost out of their senses.” Even here, however, our apprehension of God’s goodness fosters hope for our deliverance. In fact godly prayer arises from the twofold awareness of both our predicament and God’s promised provision. Not only does prayer arise from this twofold awareness, all genuine prayer contains this twofold awareness: honestly we lay before God our predicament in its perplexity and horror, while expectantly we look to God to “extend his helping hand.”

Scoffers, of course, are always nearby.  Scoffers relish pointing out that prayer must be pointless since the results appear meagre when compared to the ardour and expectation of those who pray. Wisely Calvin avoids being drawn into playing any game on the territory that scoffers have staked out. Instead he insists there to be no point in disputing with the “empty imagination” of detractors. There is simply no common ground between believer and scoffing sceptic that can serve as the starting point of an apologetic argument for prayer.  To be sure, all believers have undergone apparent frustration in prayer. While unbelievers shout “Reason enough to abandon the entire economy of faith,” such apparent frustration merely finds believers praying still, and praying with undiminished expectation.

Always a theologian of the heart (a feature of Calvin’s thought too readily overlooked not only by foes but even by friends who one-sidedly depict him as a theologian of the head), Calvin maintains that believers “perceive the power of faith” just because they “feel it by experience in their heart.”   More to the point, believers feel the power of faith by experience in their heart more deeply than they feel the seeming contradictions of faith. Because their experience of God’s promise and fatherly care is deeper than their experience of outer torment at the hands of the world and inner torment at the hands of sin, an apologetic argument for prayer would only be superfluous for believers and unpersuasive for unbelievers.   While prayer is rightly such only if it is “grounded in unbroken assurance of hope”, Calvin points out that assurance of hope is precisely the orbit and atmosphere in which Christ’s people live and struggle, look to God and rejoice in him.  Absence of hope, Calvin concludes, would only point to absence of faith; which is to say, absence of hope would only mean that prayers, so-called, are “vainly cast upon air.”

 

[5] Is there any Christian, anywhere, who claims to exemplify everything that Calvin prescribes for Christ’s people?         Can even the godliest claim that their praying displays a confident expectation without trace of secretly harboured dubiety?   While Calvin, following scripture, insists that the line distinguishing believer and unbeliever is absolute (albeit known only to God), Calvin also insists that the prayers of even the godliest are in truth “a mixture of faith and error.”   Our apprehension of God and his way with us, while certainly real and adequate, is never exhaustive. Our apprehension of God, in other words, while trusting and true, never approaches comprehension (as if we had mastered God and his way with us.) Our repentance, while certainly sincere (i.e., as sincere as we can make it), remains riddled with self-interest; and in any case, our repentance is never commensurate with our depravity. While Spirit-sensitized believers “feel the depths of evil” within them, in truth the sin that still lurks in us more hideous than we can imagine. In short, even the godliest person’s faith remains shot through with unbelief.         Therefore it is a singular instance of God’s mercy that he promises to hear us even when finds in us “neither perfect faith nor repentance.”

Plainly even the most ardent believers can present themselves to God only as they cling to Jesus Christ as advocate and mediator.  Only the propitiating mediator can “change the throne of dreadful glory into the throne of grace.”   More specifically, says Calvin, “the power of [Christ’s] death avails as an everlasting intercession in our behalf.…[Christ] alone bears to God the petitions of the people.”

In the mediator all the intercessions of Christ’s people are gathered up and rendered effectual. He who is the promise of God and in whom all God’s promises are fulfilled is the sole, sufficient guarantor that these promises are now operative among God’s people.   Not surprisingly, then, Calvin climaxes his exposition on prayer with the insistence that the saints must ever embrace Jesus Christ “with both arms.”

 

A Prayer of Calvin’s on the Matter of Prayer[3]

Grant, Almighty God, that as you not only invite us continually by the voice of your gospel to seek you, but also offer to us your Son as our Mediator, through whom an access to you is open, that we may find you a propitious Father, – O grant that relying on your kind invitation we may through life exercise ourselves in prayer; and as so many evils disturb us on all sides and so many wants distress and oppress us, may we be led more earnestly to call on you, and in the meanwhile be never wearied in this exercise of prayer; until having been heard by you throughout life, we may at length be gathered to your eternal kingdom where we shall enjoy that salvation which you have promised us, and of which you also daily testify to us by your gospel, and be forever united to your only-begotten Son of whom we are now members; that we may be partakers of all the blessings which he has obtained for us by his death.  Amen.

 

 

Rev. Dr. Victor Shepherd                                                                                                                                                                                                                     July 2006

 

[1] Unless indicated otherwise, all quotations are from Calvin’s Institutes of the Christian Religion, (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960) 3.20.16.

[2] Ibid, 1.2.1.

[3] Devotions and Prayers of John Calvin, Charles E. Edwards, ed., [ Grand Rapids : Baker Book House, 1976] p. 39

Evangelical Fellowship of Canada’s Statement of Faith.

What are the essential beliefs that Evangelicals hold in common?  Faith Today asked Victor Shepherd to look at the seven doctrines of the Evangelical Fellowship of Canada’s Statement of Faith.

The Evangelical Fellowship of Canada believes:

The Holy Scriptures as originally given by God are divinely inspired, infallible, entirely trustworthy, and constitute the only supreme authority in all matters of faith and conduct.

There is one God, eternally existent in three persons: Father, Son and Holy Spirit.

Our Lord Jesus Christ is God manifest in the flesh; we affirm his virgin birth, sinless humanity, divine miracles, vicarious and atoning death, bodily resurrection, ascension, ongoing mediatorial work, and personal return in power and glory.

The salvation of lost and sinful humanity is possible only through the merits of the shed blood of the Lord Jesus Christ, received by faith apart from works, and is characterized by regeneration by the Holy Spirit.

The Holy Spirit enables believers to live a holy life, to witness and work for the Lord Jesus Christ.

The Church, the body of Christ, consists of all true believers.

Ultimately God will judge the living and the dead, those who are saved unto the resurrection of life, those who are lost unto the resurrection of damnation

 

Hospitality and Friendship: Wesleyan Perspectives in an Ecumenical Setting

Hospitality and Friendship: Wesleyan Perspectives in an Ecumenical Setting

Dr Victor Shepherd
Meetings of Wesleyan Theological Society
Kansas City , Missouri
4th March 2006

 

We can exercise hospitality, and the sort of friendship that pertains to hospitality, only to the extent that we have been freed from self-preoccupation, only to the extent that we have been freed from living in ourselves, from ourselves, for ourselves.  The ecumenical figure who has probed this truth most profoundly is Martin Luther. Luther stated that Christians have been released from the anxieties of living in themselves, the anxieties of trying to justify themselves before God and establish themselves before their neighbours, insofar as they live in “another”; specifically, live in two others: Jesus Christ and the neighbour. Christians, said Luther, live in Christ by faith and in the neighbour by love.

While there is only one level or dimension to living in Christ by faith, there are three levels to living in the neighbour by love. At level one, we share in the neighbour’s need.  Specifically, we address the neighbour’s need by meeting her scarcity with our abundance. Luther points out that this is very important, likely isn’t done as often as it should be, but at the same time isn’t difficult and requires little of us. After all, our abundance means we can address the neighbour’s scarcity and still remain privileged. Even so, we shall likely be commended for our generosity.

At level two (i.e, the matter has been “notched up”) we share the neighbour’s suffering.  Doing this is considerably more difficult, since proximity to someone else’s suffering entails our own suffering.  In other words, the difference between level one and level two is evident: sharing the neighbour’s suffering entails a suffering on our part that sharing her need does not.  At the same time, society recognizes the kind of self-renunciation required of intentional proximity to suffering, recognizes the freely-adopted suffering of the helper herself, and rewards it. Society congratulates those who share in the neighbour’s suffering.

At level three (now “notched up” yet again) we live in the neighbour by sharing the neighbour’s disgrace.  The difference between levels one and two is quantitative; that between two and three, qualitative it would seem, for at this level the self-renunciation couldn’t be greater, while at the same time societal recognition has disappeared. To share the neighbour’s disgrace is to be identified with her disgrace, and therefore, in the eyes of the society, to be in disgrace oneself.  No one is congratulated now.  Instead the helper is “numbered among the transgressors” herself. In the eyes of the public she is in disgrace. There will be no social recognition for her sacrifice, no congratulation, no public adulation. There will be, however, contempt and ostracism.  Nonetheless, said Luther, we exercise the most helpful hospitality and self-forgetful friendship; we live in the neighbour by love most profoundly when we move from sharing her need to sharing her suffering to sharing her disgrace.

While Wesley doesn’t develop the same theme in the same way, he would disagree with nothing that Luther has said.         However Wesley would, and did, ask why Christians are so very reluctant to do all this.  He hints at his own answer in his 1768 Sermon, The Good Steward. He asks why we spend so much time, energy and anguish acquiring what is going to crumble or rot but in any case disappear, only to answer in effect, “Because we think we have to establish our ‘self’, preserve our ‘self’, forge our own identity.”   He recognizes that this is no more than unbelief, however religiously cloaked or legitimized.  In the final part of the sermon he makes three points that aim at having us rethink the notion of having to forge a self, live out it, and struggle to maintain it. Wesley’s three points are: [1] Today is all we have; i.e., life is short, death is sure, and we should be about something else.   [2] All of life is spiritually significant; in other words, what we do by way of sharing everything about us with the suffering neighbour and absorbing everything about the suffering neighbour into ourselves – this is what matters ultimately.  [3] We are servants who owe God everything and therefore can claim nothing. Plainly, if we can claim nothing in the first place, we lose nothing finally.

The question must still be asked: since Wesley’s people were aware in 1768 of the points just made (aware, that is, after the Awakening had been at full flood for 30 years), why were they still reluctant to extend the self-forgetful hospitality that he not only commended but required for himself in the course of his itinerating?   Why do Christians in any era “ice up” when faced with human need that hospitality and friendship could relieve?   Wesley appears to answer this question, albeit implicitly, in his 1781 Sermon The Danger of Riches.   There he states that while the love of money is insanity, more than a few are insane concerning an appetite that, unlike lust and gluttony, isn’t a God-given appetite run amok but is rather a preoccupation unnatural and so very bizarre as to defy all understanding. While the appetite for riches may defy understanding, he stresses, what this appetite does is readily understood: the aspiration to affluence begets and exacerbates other unholy and unhelpful desires.   “Tasting”, for instance, is a “genteel, regular sensuality” that undoes one’s head and heart.   While such “tasting” is indiscernible to the world, it is deadly in the Christian. Soon the Christian apes genteel society and everything about it, including its respectability (forget sharing the neighbour’s disgrace) and its spiritual inertia. Desire for riches, continues Wesley, issues in a desire for ease, and the latter crowns itself in avoidance of crossbearing.  Amplifying the lattermost point Wesley contends that as we become more affluent we acquire greater self-importance; in turn we are more easily affronted (i.e., there’s a super-sensitivity related to snobbishness); and as we are more easily affronted, we are more prone to revenge. Affluence, in other words, kills self-forgetful hospitality.

The cure for all this – which is to say, the recovery of hospitality and friendship – is to possess Wesley’s awareness of the scope of human suffering, his zeal to address it, and his Spirit-wrought deliverance from the love of money, ease, and self-important social ascendancy.

There’s one thing more.  As a pastor for thirty-six years, I have noted that Christians are often slow to exercise hospitality simply because they are afraid. Afraid of what? Afraid simply of meeting and engaging strangers; afraid of becoming known; afraid of having privacies rendered public – simply afraid.  In other words, perfect fear casts out love.  Wesley’s beloved 1st Epistle of John, of course, reminds us that perfect love casts out fear.   Then hospitality and friendship are going to be recovered only as love is perfected in Christ’s people; which is to say, as our awareness of the neighbour’s suffering is more vivid than our anxiety over risking self-exposure to a stranger.

 

What’s an Evangelical?

What’s An Evangelical?

The Cruciality of the Cross

 

What’s an evangelical? Better, who is an evangelical? Simply put, evangelicals are those who glory in the cross of Christ.  Our faith arises from it; our thinking converges on it; our life radiates from it.

Evangelicals are aware that the cross has made atonement for all humankind as God made “at one” with Himself disobedient, defiled sinners who were otherwise hopelessly separated from Him by a gaping chasm they were never going to be able to bridge.

Evangelicals know that while God is love [1st John 4:8 ] and can therefore do nothing but love, when God’s love encounters human sin his love “burns hot”, as Luther liked to say.  God’s anger or wrath, then, is never the contradiction or denial of his love. (Indifference is always the antithesis of love. After all, the people with whom we are angry we at least take seriously; the people to whom we are indifferent we’ve already dismissed as insignificant.) God’s anger “heats up” only because He loves us so very much and so very relentlessly that He can’t remain indifferent to us and won’t abandon us. Profoundly He loves sinners more (or at least more truly, more realistically) than we love ourselves, since our self-love, perverted by sin, issues only in self-destruction. And as the cross on which He “did not spare his own Son but gave Him up for us all” [Romans 8:32 ] makes plain, He longs to spare us torment more than He longs to spare Himself.

We must make no mistake. Because God is holy, sin breaks His heart. More than merely break His heart, however, sin also mobilizes His anger and provokes His revulsion. Then what is God to do with women and men whose ingratitude and insolence have grieved Him, angered Him and disgusted Him?  One option is to resign them to what they deserve – except that it’s no option at all, since love is all God is and therefore all He can do. For this reason He sets about recovering and restoring those who were created in His image.  Meant to mirror his glory, they now glorify themselves, therein rendering His image unrecognizable.

If the predicament of sinners is to be relieved, then those living in the “far country”, so very far from the Father as to be pronounced “dead, lost” [Luke 15: 24 ] have to be reconciled to Him.  Since they are currently in the far country, why don’t they just get up and “go home”? There’s more to it than this. In point of fact they are where they are not on account of their sin (a misunderstanding heard too often) but on account of God’s judgement. Our foreparents, we should recall, didn’t cavalierly sashay out of the Garden of Eden or confusedly stumble out or defiantly parade themselves out. They were driven out. Who drove them out?   God did. He expelled them by a judicious act. Sin, contrary to much popular thought, does not estrange us from God. Sin mobilizes God’s judgement, and God’s judgement ensures our alienation from Him. Therefore the invitation to be reconciled to Him can’t be issued until His judgement has been dealt with. The cross is that love-fashioned deed of mercy wherein the just Judge absorbs His righteous judgement upon sinners, thereby allowing them to “come home” without in any way “fudging” His holiness or compromising His integrity or submerging His truth.  Only because “in Christ God was reconciling the world to Himself” can the apostle urge, “We beseech you on behalf of Christ, be reconciled to God.” [2nd Corinthians 5:19, 20]

God’s tireless pursuit of people who persist in fleeing Him culminates in the cross, wherein He finally overtakes them and wraps them in the arms of the crucified.  But of course the cross doesn’t appear out of nowhere and insert itself in the year 27 C.E. It was anticipated through the God-appointed sacrificial system of the Older Testament. For centuries God had been schooling a people, Israel , in the necessity, meaning and ethos of sacrifice, always preparing for the Advent of Israel’s greater Son.

Reflecting the outlook of the Older Testament, the Newer reflects the priority of the cross on every page.         One-half of the written gospels is given over to one week of Jesus’ life, the last week wherein His cruciform earthly ministry (John Calvin maintained that the shadow of the cross fell on Jesus’ life and ministry from the day He was born) crescendos to the climax of the cross. The first half of the epistles announces the gospel of the cross; the second half unfolds the nature and pattern and rigour of Christian discipleship in the light of the cross. All evangelical understanding, then, emanates from the cross, as do all evangelical faith and obedience.

Evangelicals, then, are those who cherish the “word of the cross”, grounded in the atonement, as the “word of truth, the gospel of your salvation”. [1st Corinthians 1:18 ; Ephesians 1:13]

 

The Place of Proclamation and the Necessity of Decision

Evangelicals characteristically find themselves constrained to proclaim this message just because the message itself is inherently missiological.  In other words, the proclamation isn’t an “add-on” or an after-thought. Proclamation remains an aspect of the message itself: “gospel” defines itself as “gospel announced”.  So far from resembling proselytizing or even propaganda, the proclamation of the gospel belongs to the logic of the gospel.  Evangelicals, then, are aware that mission is to God’s people as burning is to fire. Burning characterizes fire; apart from burning, fire has no existence.  Mission establishes the church and characterizes it, for God’s people are created by the revelation of the cross.  We cling to it. We exist for the purpose of announcing a crucified and risen Lord who “fills all things” [Ephesians 4:10; 1:23] Indeed, since Christ “fills” every nook, crevice and corner of the universe; since Christ therefore laps everyone’s life at all times, evangelicals understandably continue to point to and point others to the One whose coming to them spells only blessing.

Such proclamation, needless to say, isn’t announced in a “Who cares?” attitude, as if the hearer’s response were of no significance, or at least of no eternal significance. What’s at stake in any announcement of the gospel is always more than a “response” that is little more than whim or preference or even prejudice. What’s at stake is nothing less than the hearer’s salvation.  For this reason the declaration of the gospel always elicits a particular decision from the hearer, that “U-turn” which scripture labels repentance. With appropriate sobriety and suitable solemnity – yet also with unrestrained joy – the decision the gospel elicits is an “about-face” from darkness to light, from indifference or hostility to love, from death to life. The lattermost point must be given its full weight: the decision to which the gospel summons the hearer has everything on earth and in heaven hanging on it.

This decision, we should note, need not be made in an instant; in fact more often than not it isn’t made in an instant.   The fact that the process of deciding is protracted in most cases doesn’t detract in the slightest from its veracity.   Nevertheless, at some point the decision needs to have been made as the rebel surrenders, the icy heart is thawed, and the spiritually inert is resurrected and Love is loved.

 

Covenant Faithfulness and Lifelong Repentance

The God who has promised ever to be our God, God for us, never rescinds His covenant with us.  In turn He longs for us ever to be His people as we own our covenant with Him. Finding us to be covenant-breakers with Him, however, He gives us His Son and directs us to the Nazarene as the one instance of human covenant faithfulness to the Father. For this reason the decision of faith and obedience that we make, we must make not once only; rather the decision has to be renewed every day.  Every morning we must recommit ourselves to our Lord, to His truth, to His way, and – no less, even perhaps hardest of all – to His people. In Luther’s famous tract, The Ninety-Five Theses that he nailed to door of the Wittenberg church in 1517, the first thesis sets the tone for all that follows and suffuses it. Luther’s first thesis will ever remain the “bass note” for all of us: “The Christian life consists of daily, lifelong repentance.” In other words, every morning we have to re-orient ourselves to our Lord, determined to identify ourselves with Him and follow Him today amidst all dangers, deceptions and distractions.

Yet the decision we make, while it’s unquestionably the inception of the Christian life, isn’t the termination of that life. Much arduous discipleship lies between commencement and completion.  More than a few trials will have to be resisted.  Barnabas and Paul, eager not to misrepresent the rigours of discipleship, are found “strengthening the souls of the disciples, exhorting them to continue in the faith …saying that through many tribulations we must enter the kingdom of God .” [Acts 14:22 ] If evangelicals uphold justification by faith as the beginning of the Christian life and its stable basis, no less ardently do they insist that sanctification, holiness of heart and life, must be pursued at all times and in all circumstances.

Holiness

Holiness is simply the believer’s conformity to the will and way of the Master.  Holiness is God’s purpose for His people.  While the word-group in scripture referring to election or predestination occurs approximately fifteen times, the word-group pertaining to holiness occurs 833 times.  Plainly the category of holiness dominates scripture and should therefore be the Christian’s preoccupation.

Cherishing the Great Commandment (“You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, soul, mind and strength….” [ Mark 12:30 ]) as well as the Great Commission (“Go therefore and make disciples of all nations….” [Matthew 28:19]), evangelicals remain convinced of the “Root” Commandment: “You shall be holy, for I the Lord your God am holy.” [Leviticus 19:2] This “root” commandment reverberates like a bell throughout the length and breadth of the bible. Like all commandments, however, the predominant commandment is at the same time the predominant promise: not only must God’s people be holy; God will see to it that His people are holy. God will guarantee for people consecrated to Him everything that He requires of them.  Then God’s people may and must obey Him in matters great and small as they are conformed to that “… holiness without which no one will see the Lord.”   [Hebrews 14:12]

Such holiness, John Wesley liked to say, pertains to “heart and life”. Holiness of heart (i.e., a supposedly grace-wrought disposition) not giving rise to holiness of life is no more than a religious self-indulgence, a pietistic trip “inward” that sceptics rightly see to be rationalized selfism. Holiness of life not grounded in holiness of heart, on the other hand, is no more than self-righteous legalism, and exhausting as well.  Holiness of heart and life together attest a simple yet glorious truth that evangelicals will never surrender: God can do something with sin beyond forgiving it.  What can He do?   Not only can He relieve us of sin’s guilt; He can also release us from sin’s grip. Deliverance from both the guilt and the power of sin remains a vivid conviction in the evangelical consciousness.

 

Constant Conversion

The decision for faith, then, with concomitant inner and outer holiness, might appear to be an end in itself.  In truth it is and it isn’t.  It’s an end in itself in that faith binds us to Jesus Christ, and our union with Him is an end in itself.  Any utilitarian consideration or motive here merely attempts to use Him, rendering Him a means to end, a tool we can exploit for some “goody” apart from Him.  He is our greatest good, our eternal good.  He gives us His unique gifts only in the course of giving us Himself.  Therefore He can never be a means to anyone’s end.  At the same time, the decision for faith invariably binds us not only to Jesus Christ but also to that body of which He is head; namely, the church. Since believers are bound to Jesus Christ, head and body, we must daily renew our commitment to Christ’s people even as we admit with our Puritan ancestors that the church is a “fair face with an ugly scar”. And since in Christ God has “so loved the world” [John 3:16 ] as never to abandon it, the conversion of which evangelicals speak must be a daily-renewed conversion to Christ, His people and the world.

 

Kingdom of God

To say we must love the world as Christ loves us it is to say that we shan’t adulate it uncritically or fawn over it or seek to profit from it; rather we shall long for the full manifestation of its redemption.   To this end Christians understand that they have been commissioned to render visible that kingdom which Jesus Christ brought with Him in His resurrection from the dead.  When we pray “Thy kingdom come…” we are praying for the coming manifestation of a kingdom that has to be in our midst just because the King is in our midst.  A king – anywhere – without a kingdom is no king at all.  Jesus Christ, risen from the dead and present with His people, meets us again and again, not infrequently startling us as He acquaints us with Himself afresh. Since He has promised to abide with us until history is concluded, His kingdom has to have arrived. While it is discerned through the eyes of faith to be sure, it remains invisible to all others. Then one of the church’s tasks is to render indisputable and undeniable that kingdom which is simply the entire creation of God healed.  Not surprisingly, then, evangelicals have been at the forefront of the abolition of the slave trade, the amelioration of working conditions in factories and mines, the expansion of literacy, the providing of medical assistance, ministries to the incarcerated, the elevation of women, and the relief of human distress of every kind.   Believers’ holiness of heart and life lends visibility to a world from which Christ’s victorious cross has already seen “Satan fall like lightning from heaven”, heaven being the invisible dimension of the creation. [Luke 10:18]

 

Evangelicalism’s Vulnerability

Honesty compels us to admit that evangelicalism is susceptible to distortion and prone to unravel. Rightly emphasizing Christian experience as the gospel “opens the heart” (as happened with Lydia , Acts 16:13 ], the evangelical consciousness is always in danger of confusing experience of the Spirit with experience-in-general, especially where experience-in-general is riddled with romanticism or nostalgia or religious sentimentality. In other words, despite evangelicalism’s insistence on orthodoxy (correct thinking about God and the proper glorifying of Him), evangelicalism remains susceptible to heterodoxy (i.e., false belief and erroneous glorifying of an other-than-Christ).  Evangelical zeal must always be balanced by the tested wisdom of Christians who lived and learned, suffered and witnessed before us.   This great weight of Christian wisdom, found in the church’s tradition, is commonly known as “catholicity”.

 

 

Evangelicalism and Catholicity

Two things are to be noted here. One, the word “catholicity” is spelled with a lower case “c”.         Upper case “C” normally refers to Roman Catholic. Roman Catholicism is one denomination within the Christian family.   The catholicity of the church, however, is the accumulated wisdom of Christian memory that is found in all denominations.

Catholicity preserves both identity and universality.[1]   Identity is that which distinguishes the church from the world; universality, that which impels the church to give itself for the world. Needless to say, only that church which is self-consciously different from the world can ever exist for the world.

The missionary enterprise of the early church attests its catholicity. (We should note here that the missionary thrust of the church isn’t the church’s invention, the church somehow arriving at an insight that the church’s Lord somehow lacked. While Jesus told the Canaanite woman, “I was sent only to the lost sheep of the house of Israel ” [Matthew 15:24 ], unquestionably the seeds of the Gentile mission are found in Jesus’ ministry, particularly in His appearances to His followers during the “forty days” between His resurrection and His ascension.)   At first Peter opposed this expression of catholicity, Peter maintaining that all Gentile Christians first had to become Jews.         Plainly Peter thought that the church’s universality threatened its identity – and he had to be helped to a new perspective.

From a different angle of vision, it’s evident that the unique message of the church guarantees its identity; the assorted converts to the church guarantee its universality.   Both identity and universality have to be held in exquisitely fine balance if the catholicity of the church is to be preserved.  Evangelicals who are properly catholic balance evangelism with training in discipleship and Christian nurture.   We balance outreach with worship.  We balance contemplation of our reigning Lord and commitment to the world’s grief.

Evangelicals who are aware of their catholic heritage balance justification (a new standing before God) and sanctification (a new nature from God); the decision for faith and growth in faith; the call to repentance and the call to sainthood; the Reformation (doctrinal restatement) and revival (the Spirit’s flooding over large numbers of people who have not yet welcomed the gospel offer). Evangelicals who know the true meaning of “catholic” embrace both specially endowed leaders and ordered ministry; both spontaneous exclamations of praise and sacramental practice.

In all of this, theologians (including those who amplify the doctrinal statements of such bodies as the Evangelical Fellowship of Canada!) preserve catholicity by defining the faith so as to combat heresy arising from within the church, and also by defending the faith so as to combat misinterpretation arising from outside the church.  By defining the faith, theological statements preserve identity; by defending the faith, theological statements preserve universality.  The first sentence of the Apostles’ Creed exemplifies both.  “I believe in God the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth” plainly speaks of universality; “and in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord…crucified under Pontius Pilate” speaks of identity.   Doctrine, adequately articulated, always fulfils both purposes.

 

 

[1]I am glad to acknowledge my debt to Jaroslav Pelikan, The Riddle of Roman Catholicism, and Donald Bloesch, The Future of Evangelicalism.

Jacques Ellul – The Judgment of Jonah

Jacques Ellul – The Judgment of Jonah

 

Repeatedly Ellul’s brief book reflects his characteristic love/grief relationship with the church, the church’s lack of discernment, and an ecclesiastical agenda that finds the church somnolent, feckless and desultory. As sad as he is scathing, Ellul notes, “A remarkable thing about even the active Christian is that he (sic) never has much more than a vague idea about reality.   He is lost in the slumber of his activities, his good works, his chorales, his theology, his evangelizing, his communities.   He always skirts reality….It is non-Christians who have to waken him out of his sleep to share actively in the common lot.” (p.31)

More foundationally Judgment exudes Ellul’s characteristic conviction concerning the effectual pre-eminence of Jesus Christ. While the book of Jonah is deemed “prophetic” among Jewish and Christian thinkers, Ellul understands prophecy strictly as an Israelite pronouncement fulfilled in Jesus Christ, this pronouncement henceforth subserving Christ’s unimpeded militancy throughout the cosmos.

As readers of Ellul know from his other books (e.g., Apocalypse and The Political Illusion, extended comments on the books of Revelation and 2nd Kings respectively), Ellul has little confidence in the expositions of the “historical-critical” guild of exegetes insofar as their preoccupation with speculative minutiae blinds them to the substance of the text; namely, the service the text renders the luminosity of Him who is the light of the world.  Unlike the exegetical guild, Ellul sees the risen, sovereign (but not controlling) One proleptically present in the Older Testament, manifested to the apostles, and surging effectually everywhere now.  More to the point, Ellul regards the guild’s preoccupation with the history of the formation and transmission of the text as a nefarious work wherein the guild “dissects Scripture to set it against Scripture”.(p.74) Exegetes typically perpetrate this abomination, therein deploying their “expert” misuse of Scripture exactly as the tempter deployed his in his assault on Jesus in the wilderness.  In other words, Ellul regards the work of most commentators, in their Christ-ignoring and world-denying “scientific” approach, as nothing less than Satanic. In light of this it’s no surprise that only three-quarters’ way through Judgment Ellul left-handedly admits that the book of Jonah was “rightly composed to affirm the universalism of salvation” (p.77), when exegetes customarily insist that the sole purpose of the book of Jonah was to protest the shrivelling of post-exilic Israel’s concern, even to protest the apparent narrowness, exclusiveness and concern for self-preservation found in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.

If what is crucial to most is peripheral to Ellul, then what is the epicentre of the book of Jonah?  It is certainly not a compendium of moral truths, let alone a test of credulity (which test Christian apologetics paradoxically attempts to eliminate). Neither is the book an extended allegory; nor even an instance of the prophetic literature found in Scripture, since the book shares few of the concerns of the prophetic books (e.g., no prophetic address is spoken to Israel) while features of the book aren’t found in prophetic literature (e.g., the books named after Jeremiah and Amos don’t feature biographical portrayals). The core of the book lies, rather, in its depiction of Jonah himself as a figure, a type, of Christ. Having argued for this position, Ellul brooks no disagreement: “If one rejects this sense, there is no other.” (p.17)

As Judgment unfolds it reflects the major themes of Ellul’s social and theological thought as well as aspects of his own spiritual development. With respect to the latter, Ellul’s understanding of Jonah’s vocation – “Everything begins the moment God decides to choose….We can begin to apprehend only when a relation is set up between God and us, when he reveals his decision concerning us” (p21) – pellucidly mirrors Ellul’s self-effacing, autobiographical statements in In Season, Out of Season and What I Believe.

As for characteristic aspects of Ellul’s thinking, Judgment re-states and develops them on every page.         For instance, those whom God summons are freed from the world’s clutches and conformities in order to be free to address and spend themselves for a world that no longer “hooks” them even as the same world deems them “useless” to it.  In this regard Ellul writes of Jonah, “The matter is so important that everything which previously shaped the life of this man humanly and sociologically fades from the scene….Anything that might impel him to obey according to the world has lost its value and weight for him.” (P.21) In other words, any Christian’s commission at the hand of the crucified is necessary and sufficient explanation for taking up one’s work and witness.

While vocation is sufficient explanation for taking up their appointed work, Christians cannot pretend their summons may be ignored or laid aside, for in their particular vocations all Christians have been appointed to “watch” in the sense of Ezekiel 33. Disregarding one’s vocation is dereliction, and all the more damnable in that the destiny of the world hangs on any one Christian’s honouring her summons: “Christians have to realize that they hold in their hands the fate of their companions in adventure”.(p.35)

Readers of Ellul have long been startled at, persuaded of, and helped by his exploration of the “abyss”, the virulent, insatiable power of evil to beguile, seduce, and always and everywhere destroy. (See Money and Power and Propaganda. It should be noted here that Ellul’s depiction of evil in terms of death-as-power – rather than in terms of “a kind of lottery…turning up as heart failure (p.51) — finds kindred understanding and exposition in the work of William Stringfellow and Daniel Berrigan.)  The “great fish” sent to swallow Jonah (God uses evil insofar as he is determined to punish) is a manifestation of such power. While in the “belly of the great fish” Jonah is subject to God’s judgment upon his abdication as he is confronted defencelessly with the undisguised horror of the abyss. Awakened now to his culpable folly, Jonah understands that even as he is exposed to “absolute hell”(p.45) he hasn’t been abandoned to it.  At no point has he ceased being the beneficiary of God’s grace.  Now Jonah exclaims, “Thou hast delivered me” – i.e., before the “great fish” has vomited him to safety.  Deliverance for all of us, Ellul herein announces characteristically, occurs when we grasp God’s presence and purpose for us (and through us for others) in the midst of the isolation that our vocation, compounded by our equivocating, has brought upon us.  Percipiently Ellul adds, “[T]he abyss…is the crisis of life at any moment.”(p.52)

Typically Ellul points out ersatz means of resolving the crisis: we look to “technical instruments, the state, society, money, and science…idols, magic, philosophy, spiritualism….As long as there is a glimmer of confidence in these means man prefers to stake his life on them rather than handing it over to God.”(p.57) While these instruments can give us much (especially as anodynes), they can’t give us the one thing we need in the face of the all-consuming abyss: mercy.  No relation of love exists between these instruments and us; they merely possess us. The person who “loves” money, for instance, is merely owned.  The crisis is resolved incipiently when we “beg in any empty world for the mercy which cannot come to [us] from the world.”(p.58)   The crisis is resolved definitively as we hear and heed the summons to discipleship and thereafter obey the one who can legitimately (and beneficently) claim us inasmuch as he has betaken himself to the abyss with us. Here Ellul’s Christological reading of the book of Jonah surfaces unambiguously: “The real question is not that of the fish which swallowed Jonah; it is that of the hell where I am going and already am. The real question is not that of the strange obedience of the fish to God’s command; it is that of the resurrection of Jesus Christ and my resurrection.”(p.63)

Just because the book of Jonah is a prolepsis of Jesus Christ, the book is fragrant with hope and quickens hope in readers.  To be sure, signs of grace come and go in all of us – even as grace never disappears. (Recall the gourd given to provide shade for Jonah, even as the gourd soon withered.) While God’s people frequently and foolishly clutch at the sign instead of trusting the grace therein signified, the day has been appointed when the sign is superfluous as faith gives way to sight and hope to its fulfilment.  At this point the “miracles” that were signs of grace for us will be gathered up in “the sole miracle, Jesus Christ living eternally for us”.(p.67)

The note of hope eschatologically permeating the book of Jonah (and Ellul’s exposition of it) recalls the conclusion to The Meaning of the City. There Ellul invites the reader to share his vivid “experience” of finding himself amidst a wretched urban slum in France yet “seeing” the city, the New Jerusalem.

 

While Ellul’s “exegesis” of the book of Jonah will be regarded as idiosyncratic in several places, its strength is its consistent orientation to the One who remains the “open secret” of the world and of that community bound to the world.

 

For decades Ellul’s own life illustrated a statement he made in Judgment concerning the prophet Jonah: “Everything circles around the man who has been chosen. A tempest is unleashed.”(p.25) Ellul’s writings indicate passim that as much characterizes all who discern their vocation and pledge themselves to it without qualification, reservation or hesitation.

 

Victor Shepherd
Professor of Systematic and Historical Theology, Tyndale University College & Seminary, Toronto
Professor Ordinarius, University of Oxford

John Paul II: An Assessment

John Paul II: An Assessment

John Paul’s resilience was exemplary. He saw first-hand the Nazi occupation of his beloved Poland , only to witness, without letup, the Communist takeover and brutal suppression of his people. Throughout the decades of totalitarian savagery visited upon the nations of Eastern Europe he never softened in his recognition of and resistance to a godlessness no less wicked because it came from the political left. (Many people naively assume that the left is less monstrous than the right.) Amidst it all he continued to hope for the day, in God’s own time, when Communism would finally expose itself as unambiguously cruel and deceptive. His support of Lech Walesa and of the Polish populace leavened public awareness and fortified private conviction until Marxist leaders had to admit they could no longer manage the people.

Even as he discerned evil in the world-at-large when other appeared not to, John Paul was just as quick to discern sin in the “heart-at-small” as he confessed the arrears of sin in himself and repented it. No one questioned his outpouring to the priest he named his confessor and through whom he sought to hear the Word of pardon from the crucified. No one regarded as poor taste, or worse, poor theatre, his protracted periods of lying prostrate, face-down, when he deplored the innermost shame and guilt he never attempted to deny.

Yet while he knew the church to consist of penitent sinners, he was always aware that the powers of death will never prevail against the church (Matthew 16:18 ) not because of the church’s inherent virtue (he had no illusions here) but because of God’s promise and patience. God has pledged himself to the people who are his “peculiar treasure”. (Exodus 19:5 KJV) Only by grace, yet assuredly by grace, the church remains a “chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, God’s own people” – and all of this precisely for the purpose of declaring the truth and mercy of the God who still calls us out of darkness and into his marvellous light. (1st Peter 2:9) Trusting God’s faithfulness to God’s own promises, John Paul exhibited a patience that always found him diligent in his work with an appropriate urgency, yet never frenzied or frantic. He rooted himself in the church, that ship that could ride out the worst storms of sin, treachery and disgrace.

Disgrace trumpeted itself during his tenure. The sex-scandals involving priests, all of whom were sworn to celibacy, became increasingly notorious as clergy betrayal and exploitation of children surface first in Newfoundland, was heard of in many venues (including aboriginal schools in Canada’s north), and came to most concentrated attention in Boston , where dozens of historic Roman Catholic church buildings had to be sold in order to defray the lawsuits of disillusioned and outraged families. John Paul was unyielding; resolutely he insisted that there is no place in the priesthood for sexual exploiters. Whereas ecclesiastical officialdom had falsified itself shamefully in a vain attempt at keeping skeletons closeted, John Paul frankly owned the perfidy of fellow-priests and pledged assistance to their victims.

No less movingly he recognized victims of a different sort with a different history; namely Jewish people. As a pole he was singularly equipped in this regard, for Poland had had the highest concentration of Jewish people of any country in the world, only to have ninety percent of them liquidated (4.5 million). In addition John Paul’s detailed reading of history allowed him to grasp what few North Americans have yet; namely, that for the Jewish people the Middle Ages was one, dark, endless, night of suffering visited on them by Christians both ignorant and learned, indifferent and devout. His frank acknowledgement of the church’s centuries-long abuse gained him the admiration and affection of Jews around the world. His overture in this area continues to bear fruit as Roman Catholic Christians have re-owned the Jewish root of the faith, as well as the place in God’s economy of the Jewish people as Jews (i.e., not merely as potential converts to the church). The pope built bridges between church and synagogue that continue to bring blessings to both.

A learned theologian and philosopher (see his encyclical, “Faith and Reason”), he had additional gifts that erudite people frequently lack. One such gift was an ability to handle the media. Never gullible concerning the “power of the press” and its capacity for misrepresentation, John Paul knew that his “management” skill concerning the print and electronic vehicles was an opportunity for him to commend gospel, kingdom, church and papal office.

His ability to relate to young people was a similar gift. Whenever he spoke, wherever he appeared, young people “fell” for him. No one can forget the aged man winsomely attracting and addressing young people in Toronto on the steamiest day of the summer while radio and TV interviewers sought (unsuccessfully) to dilute young Catholics’ ardour by interjecting reminders of the church’s shadow side.

Yet there is “another side” to John Paul that has to be noted. Whereas Pope John XXIII had spoken of Protestants as “separated brethren”, John Paul never acknowledged us to be brothers of any sort. He never recognized us as part of the body of Christ.

While his stand against homosexual behaviour and abortion was encouraging, his intransigence on the ordination of women was not.

While Protestants of orthodox conviction uphold the virginal conception of Jesus, John Paul’s Mariology threatened the sole, saving sufficiency of Jesus.

Worst of all, his Millennial Indulgence, promulgated in 2000, recalled the occasion of the Sixteenth Century Reformation in Germany when Luther nailed his Ninety-Five Theses to the church door in Wittenberg (1517), challenging readers to his “Disputation on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences”. Luther gave ninety-five reasons why he deemed it utterly anti-gospel to think that temporal punishment for sin is remitted in exchange for a fee. In 2000 John Paul’s Indulgence decree, signed by a subordinate cardinal, confirmed Protestants in their understanding of the battle-cry of their Reformation ancestors: Ecclesia Reformata Et Semper Reformanda. The church – reformed by the gospel, ever stands in need of being reformed at the hands of the selfsame gospel.

God is to be praised for the witness of the late Pope John Paul II, even as Protestants will invoke that gospel whose purity alone can – and will – fashion the church, the Bride of Christ, whose splendour is ultimately “without spot or wrinkle or any such thing, that she might be holy and without blemish.” (Ephesians 5:27)

 

 

Victor Shepherd

Reflections on Paul Molnar’s Divine Freedom and the Doctrine of the Immanent Trinity

Reflections on Paul Molnar’s Divine Freedom and the Doctrine of the Immanent Trinity

Dr Victor Shepherd

 

INTRODUCTORY COMMENTS

M speaks everywhere of the need to root the Economic Trinity (e.t.) in the Immanent Trinity (i.t.).

 

E.T.: Father, Son and Holy Spirit are interrelated forms in which divine revelation functions.

I.T.: F, S and HS constitute the being of God eternally, regardless of creation or revelation.

 

Background: God is known to Israel as the transcendent one. He is not a human projection.

This God is one; i.e., unique among the deities. Eventually Israel recognizes God to be one in the sense of sole: there are no other deities. God is one eternally.

 

The Nazarene appears, and repeatedly makes at least an implicit claim to do what are prerogatives of God: e.g., forgive sins (when only God can since God has been victimized), provide definitive interpretation of the God-given Torah (which Torah pre-existed the world), be the judge at the last day, satisfy the human heart as God alone claims to do, speak to his Father in an intimacy he recognizes in no-one else, accept worship as his right.

In all of this the transcendent one remains transcendent; i.e., God hasn’t collapsed himself into the Nazarene (as in pagan incarnations).

 

The God ‘above’ and God ‘among’ is recognized to be God ‘within’ as well. What God has done extra nos, pro nobis in Christ is now done in nobis as well. The result is that God manifests himself to us as giver, gift and the act of effectual giving. Giver, gift, and effectual giving are identical. [F, S and HS are alike God.]

 

Question: Is this merely how God manifests himself, or is this who God is in himself? Do we need to move beyond the e.t. to the i.t.?

Question (the same): is God’s revelation merely the “face” God wears as he turns to us, or is it who God is in himself? Is his face something he merely displays, or does his face unambiguously disclose his heart?

 

Humans frequently wear false faces. The face, e.g., can be benign when the heart is treacherous. God’s face and God’s heart are always one: he is as he manifests himself, and manifests himself as he is. There is no dissimulation or inconsistency in him. Otherwise the economic t. isn’t a faithful and true revelation of the transcendent communion of F, S and HS – which transcendent communion the eternal being of God is in himself.

 

The i.t. is the e.t. – or else God himself is ultimately unknowable (and therefore can’t be known as eternally F, S and HS.)

The e.t. is the i.t. – or else the e.t. is an act of God that may be merely what God has done without in any way reflecting who God is, his “heart” or identity; that is, an act of God unrelated to the eternal purpose of God.

 

The e.t. and the i.t. interpenetrate each other and regulate each other.

 

MOLNAR: (preface)

ix: the purpose of the doctrine of the i.t. is to uphold God’s freedom. Note the understanding of “freedom” here: there is no impediment, inner or outer, to God’s acting in accord with his true nature. (This understanding of freedom has nothing whatever to do with philosophical indeterminism, “freedom of choice.”) As will be shown later, God is eternally self-sufficient: God is love in himself, requiring nothing creaturely to love in order to be love. God is life; he lives in the ongoing dynamic of F, S and HS as the Father eternally begets the Son and the Spirit. God needs nothing creaturely to be who he is.

 

While we can speak of God only in terms of human categories (they are the only categories we have), it isn’t our human experience that prescribes who God is or what he is toward us. I.e., while we know God only in faith (faith is unquestionably a human event) we can’t read our experience and concepts of God back into God. [Rather, as Molnar will say later, once we are admitted by grace/faith into the orbit of God’s self-knowing, we thereafter think God from a centre in God, not from a centre in ourselves.] Athanasius, therefore, is sound when he says it is more devout and more accurate to signify God from the Son and call him “Father” than it is to signify God from the creation and call him “Unoriginate.”

 

x: We speak of God ultimately as “F, S and HS” rather than as “Creator, Mediator and Redeemer” since God is F,S and HS even if he never creates anything. [“Creator, Mediator and Redeemer” describes God’s relation to the creation.]

 

xi: Grace, faith and revelation therefore always remain grounded in God and not in (a compend of) God and the creation. We know God only by God. The Holy Spirit (that by which we know God) is God.

 

xii: Where the e.t. isn’t seen to be grounded in the i.t., one-sided attention is given to the e.t. and this in turn gives rise to the following distortions:

[1] God is made dependent on history and (at least in part) is indistinguishable from history.

(E.g., the surge of history is the power of God, and God never fully – if at all –                    transcends historical process.)

[2] A naturalistic Christology arises wherein humans have a natural capacity to apprehend              the truth and reality of Jesus Christ. (Needless to say, the “Christ” therein                            apprehended is never exactly the Christ whom the apostles confess.)

[3] The Holy Spirit is rendered indistinguishable from human spirit.

[4] The human phenomenon of self-transcendence becomes the starting point and the norm                       of theology, wherein God is “allowed” to be, do and speak only in conformity with                 the human experience of finite self-transcendence.

(Molnar maintains that the rest of the book discusses the aforementioned four points.)

 

 

Chapter One

1: Kaufman and McFague illustrate the declensions found in a theology that doesn’t think God from a centre in God but rather from a centre in ourselves, and doesn’t allow the nature of God to determine what can properly be said of God (and what not.)

K and McF insist that speech about God is reducible without remainder to our attempt at giving meaning to human existence; i.e., theology is no more than a way of describing human depths.

2: When they speak of theology as an “imaginative construction” [Shepherd they have confused “imaginative” with “imaginary.”] K. is obvious: God is not an extra-human reality of which our theological language speaks, however ineptly. What is real is the meta-myth that theological language articulates.

4: LaCugna maintains that the doctrine of the Trinity says nothing about God but rather about our life in God and our life with each other. [We can’t speak of ‘our life in God’ unless we know the nature of God.]

5: When she speaks of “divine life as all creatures partake and literally exist in it” she is thoroughly pan(en)theistic: she has blurred the ontic distinction between God’s being and the being of the world.

6: McF. makes the same error in speaking of God as dependent on the world and intrinsically related to the world.

7: Ultimately McF’s theology indicates we can’t know God at all; we can know only our own experiences.

8: Result: unknowingly she’s sabotaged human freedom, since human freedom presupposes God’s freedom. [Unless God is free from the world – i.e., is ontically distinct from it – then “humans”, so-called, are emanations from God or extensions of God and therefore lack human freedom.]

Feminist Theology: God is named from the matrix [=womb] of women’s experience. They forget something crucial: nowhere in the Christian tradition does God’s self-declared name – F, S and HS– mean that God is male.

13: Molnar’s warning: whenever the humanness of Jesus is set aside as essential to revelation, God is defined not by himself [i.e., in the Son] but by our experience. Rather, God is to be defined by himself, albeit through our experience [since revelation is known only in faith, and faith is a human act/event/affirmation/experience.] Lost here is the logic of scripture: God can by known only by God.

15: Warning: the error of thinking God from a centre in ourselves – Karl Rahner will later be seen to have written this error LARGE. [1]

16: Elizabeth Johnson confuses the mystery of human (creaturely) depths with the mystery of God. Result: the experience of one’s self is the experience of God. [God is women’s experience of themselves projected onto a cosmic screen.] E.g., conversion is self-acceptance.

19: Johnson maintains that Jesus is the paradigm of “Christ” for many, but can (and should) be substituted; modernity must be allowed to adopt multiple redemptive role models.

[In all of this a redemption myth replaces the sole mediatorship of Jesus of Nazareth.]

20: Result: the door is opened to gnosticism, dualism, pantheism, polytheism. (22: Women can represent Christ because they are other Christs.)

 

 

Chapter Two

27: Barth: to think accurately about revelation is to begin neither with our own ideas nor with our own experiences. Beginning with our ideas yields a Docetic Christology (wherein history is ignored); with our experiences, an Ebionite Christology (wherein God as the Lord of history is ignored).

28: Still, Jesus’ humanity as such doesn’t reveal [since history doesn’t yield a knowledge of God]. While Jesus’ humanity is essential to revelation, it isn’t sufficient: only the Holy Spirit, the power in which the Resurrected One acts, can acquaint us with the truth and reality of the Incarnate One. I.e., revelation is the unveiling of the God who remains veiled to all but the eyes of faith. Revelation therefore is always and everywhere a miracle.

29: Molnar contrasts Barth with Moltmann, Pannenberg and Jenson, for whom Jesus is Lord not because this is who he is but because God raised him from the dead. [This entails adoptionism.]

30: Barth maintains that the Resurrection doesn’t give something new to the Incarnate One, but it does make visible what is proper to him: his glory. [JC is the Son regardless of any impression he makes on us.]

31: Moltmann commits the [Bultmannian] error of denying the Resurrection to be an event in the life of Jesus and affirming it to be (only) an event in the lives of the apostles, a “visionary” episode.

33: MacQuarrie: ‘Christ’ shouldn’t be restricted to Jesus of Nazareth; it should be predicated of the ‘Christ event’ – Jesus and the community. [This, of course, makes humankind its own redeemer and the church its own Lord.]

35: Barth’s point: the power of the Resurrection is the power of the Word and Spirit evident in Jesus from Christmas to cross to Easter to Ascension – a power over which we have no conceptual, existential or ontological control. [If true, this point ends all attempts at rendering God’s acts, ultimately God himself, human extrapolations or projections or aspirations.]

36: Barth: the Resurrection discloses who Jesus is. Molt, Pann, Jen: the Resurrection constitutes Jesus’ being as eternal Son. [See above comment re: Adoptionism.] Pann advances another distortion: thanks to the Incarnation, Christ’s Sonship must be perceivable in his human existence. [This renders the truth and reality of JC naturally intelligible – thereby rendering rev. superfluous.] Little wonder Barth viewed Pann “with horror.”

 

In Docetic Christology Jesus’ historicity is dispensable – leaving only his [discarnate] deity? No. The God-man is the only true deity. The core of the NT isn’t incarnation (found everywhere in paganism) but rather that Jesus of Nazareth is the eternal Son of God Incarnate, and that the Son of

God Incarnate is Jesus of Nazareth.

41: To say this is to say that God can be known only where God ‘tabernacles’ with us and acts: J of N. To say this is to say that God can be known only by grace, never by us alone. Therefore God can’t be known on the basis of an analogy with something already known to us. Therefore ransacking human experience of self-transcendence yields neither the knowledge of God nor the possibility of it. [This point will loom huge in Barth’s repudiation of the analogia entis and Molnar’s recognition of the a.e. throughout Rahner’s work.]

45: Those who deny this affirm myth; e.g., John Hick: “Incarnation” speaks not of the truth re: Jesus but rather of our ascription and attitude concerning him.

48: In the same way ‘Christ’, says Kaufman, points to the complex of events that grew up around J of N. Christians were wrong in using “Christ” to speak of J as the God-man, and Jewish/Muslim critics were correct in faulting Christians for it. J of N is not “the only begotten Son of God.”

50: Rahner is famous for reorienting Roman Catholic theology to the doctrine of the Trinity. Yet he doesn’t begin thinking about it from a centre in God but rather from humankind’s transcendental experience. All experiences of human hope, fear, goodness, aspiration, wonder, mystery, love are unthematic experiences of God. [This is paganism.]

51: To confess Jesus Christ is ultimately to confess the mystery that human beings are. Theology is reducible to anthropology. Jesus is the ultimate instance of self-tr’ce. [Schleiermacher: Jesus is the most elevated instance of God-consciousness.]

Note what is forfeited here:

F1: revelation as God’s act, and therefore miracle.

F2: the R’n of Jesus as that which governs our theology. The tra’l exp. of hope does. (54: The R’n         is “the realisation and crystallisation of man’s deepest aspirations.”)

F3: the biblical truth that rev. causes offence. [How could it?]

F4: the biblical notion of faith. Faith [that by which we have fellowship with God] is ‘owning’     one’s experiences of mystery, wonder, etc; i.e., all the experiences of creaturely mystery        and depth.

F5: the Immanent Trinity as the God who is for us. [God is now the world in its aspirations.]

F6: redemption as the content of revelation. [Since revelation is knowledge of ourselves,                         redemption is ultimately self-wrought.]

 

 

Chapter Three

Logos asarkos: the notion that the Word is the eternal second person of the Trinity. To be contrasted with the notion that the Word occurs as it is enfleshed; i.e., an e.t. isn’t grounded in an i.t.

62: McCormack: if election is an eternal decision, then election is part of God’s being.

Molnar: God exists eternally as F, S and HS. Therefore the covenant of grace can’t be the ground of God’s triunity. God’s essence in no way depends on his works ad extra. [Q: Has Molnar read McCormack correctly? Q: Would McCormack question whether election is only ad extra?]

64: Molnar maintains that according to McC God is triune only because of God’s self-determination to be our God. There i.t. and e.t. are the same. For this reason we always need the logos asarkos to preserve the eternal, ontic triunity of God.

 

66: Farrow: “That he {Jesus} goes {ascends} makes him the way {to the Father.} “Makes”? Molnar: The Son is homoousion with the Father apart from the Ascension. Therefore logos asarkos must be upheld.

67: Concomitantly Farrow omits any affirmation of Christ’s active Lordship, wherein the Ascended One encounters his people now. If this is lost then so is human freedom, for our freedom is being claimed for and freed by this One for obedience to him.

 

70: Jenson: Jenson appears to blur the distinction between events in history and acts of God, with the result that history is deemed able to reveal the Incarnate One. Once again e.t. and i.t. are identical. Molnar rightly recognizes that if history can reveal JC, then the truth, reality, presence and significance of God are naturally intelligible.

72: Once l.a. is rejected, history constitutes God’s eternal being, and God is dependent on history.

73: Once the eternality of the l.a. is denied, God becomes the process of divine self-realization. [Here we have Hegel’s understanding of God as the Infinite that ‘others’ itself in nature and history and returns to itself as Absolute Spirit. Incarnation is a stage in the process of God’s self-realization.] Molnar denies Jenson’s Hegelian presupposition and with it the notion of God’s becoming anything in the course of Incarnation and Ascension.

76: Molnar also disagrees with Jenson concerning Jesus’ own glorified body. For Jenson, church and sacraments are that body; i.e., Jesus rose into the church and its sacraments. Jenson’s omission of the HS here is crucial [the HS binds Christ to his people], with the result that Christ needs the church to be who he is.

79: Molnar disagrees when Jenson maintains that God’s eternity isn’t his self-sufficiency as F, S and HS but his faithfulness to history. For Jenson God isn’t eternally self-sufficient but is becoming [Hegel] who he will be because of his relation to the world.

 

 

Chapter Four   (Rahner)

84: R develops his doctrine of God from his concept of mystery. [This is idolatry.] The human self is the point of departure for knowing God. [“God” is no more than a projection of human experiences, replete with pagan immediacy. Note how seldom R speaks of faith.   There is no need for the Mediator, since God is apprehended through human experiences of self-transcendence.]

86: R’s assumption is that an experience of one’s ‘horizon’ is an experience of God.   This assumption is rooted in a prior assumption: 88 – Humans are “a being oriented towards God.” [In the wake of the Fall, humans are oriented away from God.]

[Forfeited: any notion that God is the sole originator of our knowledge of God; that God ever remains Lord of his own revelation.] Here the transcendence of God, and therefore the freedom of God, is abandoned.

88: “Man is forever the articulate mystery of God.” [This reduces all theology to anthropology. Jesus Christ alone is the articulate mystery of God, and this is because he is God.]

95: The God who is identical with our experience of mystery [is posited] as identical with the i.t.

97: Result (says Molnar): R can’t distinguish between philosophy and theology, reason and revelation, nature and grace. [There is no theology or revelation or grace.]

107: R synthesizes creator and creature under the phil’l category of “absolute being.” [Herein God is subordinate to metaphysics, God being ontically indistinct from the creaturely.]

[In speaking of aspects of human experience w.r.t. the “infinite” R has confused indefinitely large with infinite.      True God, utterly transcendent, alone is infinite. The ‘horizon’ of our experience is indefinitely large and          impenetrably mysterious, but forever creaturely. Creatio ex nihilo – always to be distinguished from creatio ex Deo       – preserves the truth that God is LORD over the creation, not on a continuum with it.]

112: R: Christ is the ‘pure form’ of an experience of God that all religions describe.   [This contradicts scripture on so many fronts there’s no point in listing them. Cf. Elijah and Baal.]

113: R: God’s ‘universal will to save’ is a constitutive element in human experience. [God’s will is God himself (willing.) God is never a constitutive element in the human.>> pan(en)theism]

 

 

Chapter Five

— an illustration of what happens to Trinitarian thinking when “relationality” is substituted for the Triune God.

126: once the i.t. is denied as the ground of the e.t., then humankind’s relationship with God is one of mutual conditioning. Result: [see xii.]

128: La Cugna: persons in communion are substituted for Jesus Christ, and the HS is an aspect of creaturely relationships. Result: 130 — an ontology that includes both the being of God and the being of the human. [See 8 and 107.]

132: Molt: The Spirit is God’s immanence in human experience and the transcendence of humans in God. [paganism]

132: Kaufman: God and Christ are symbols [mythological constructs] that we invent to help us transform or ‘humanize’ our society. [paganism]

139: Peters: “God is the process of becoming Godself through relationship with the temporal creation.” [To be sure, how God achieves his purposes is affected by the world’s evil and human recalcitrance; but the nature of God is not. The manner in which God achieves his purposes is flexible; his essence is not. What could God ‘become’ except non-God?]

144: All such notions suggest that God’s relations ad extra eventually become God’s relations ad intra. [God is in the process of becoming what he isn’t at present through the relationships he undertakes. Since the e.t., in this model, becomes the i.t. in the eschaton {if there’s still point to using these terms}, then who God is going to turn out to be remains in doubt.]

160: R: “Man is the event of God’s absolute self-communication.” [Hegel is unmistakable here.]

162: R: “Wherever man posits a positively moral act in the full exercise of his free self-disposal, this act is a positive supernatural salvific act.” [Overlooked (1) religion and morality as antithetical to faith in the gospel – see 191, where to be a person of “morally good will” is to exist in grace, (2) self-salvation (Grace has been made the condition by which we can thereafter save ourselves; grace facilitates self-salvation.) (3) “free” – what became of the bondage of the will?]

 

 

Chapter Six

172: TFT: the r’n is the “primal datum” of theology and can’t be abstracted [i.e., into something symbolic or mythological.]

173: neither nature nor history produces the r’n. The r’n in turn is its own validation.(194)

174: while our concepts concerning God don’t allow us to speak of God exhaustively (TFT says elsewhere) they do allow us to speak of God truly and adequately. A concept-less knowledge (experience) of God is impossible.

175: w.r.t. the NT, theology is interested in the different layers of tradition only as they are correlated and controlled by God’s self-revelation. [Here TFT opposes “Q fundamentalism,” the latter being the notion that a NT stratum – neither Mark nor M nor L but merely a ‘sayings’ source (and only hypothetical at that) yields a knowledge of God.]   [Note the Jesus Seminar.]

178: TFT’s disagreement with liberal theology and with R: TFT’s ‘repentant thinking’, wherein such thinking submits to God’s self-rev. Such thinking is not found 1st in experience but first in Jesus Christ and subsequently in experience.

180: On account of the r’n of JC and the eternal Sonship of JC, our human nature is set in the F-S relation. [i.e., there is no natural knowledge ultimately of what it means to be a human being. Our knowledge of the human is a predicate of our knowledge of the humanness of JC. Here TFT opposes R on all fronts. R, beginning with an unthematic human exp. of mystery, longing, hope, etc. has a deity that can never be more than projected or inflated or religionized humanness. It never seems to occur to R that such humanness is fallen as well.]

193: TFT doesn’t deny we have the experiences of which R speaks. [Who would want to deny this?] TFT does deny that we can build a logical bridge from these to rev., since only God can reveal God.

 

 

Chapter Seven

198: Moltmann begins with Rahner and then moves beyond him. Note Barth’s criticism that Molt’s Theology of Hope reduces God to the principle of hope, indistinguishable from Marxist Bloch’s principle of hope.

199: Molt’s deity is mutually conditioned by and is never completely independent of human beings – as attested by the fact that God and the world are involved in a cosmic redemptive process (208). [Since both God and the world are on their way to redemption, Molt’s God is never LORD of the creation, but rather is finite and as needy as any creature.]

200: Molt’s theology of suffering renders human suffering the measure of God. The fact that God needs to suffer explains [somehow] the how of Trinitarian self-revelation. Father and Son couldn’t be selfless unless they suffered (211). [F and S are utterly selfless eternally in their self-giving to one another. This does not entail suffering. God’s suffering arises only through God’s self-giving to a tormented world.]

202: Note: Barth regarded panentheism as more dangerous than pantheism. [In pantheism God is the essence of everything. If God is of the essence of everything (panentheism) it becomes impossible to distinguish what is of God from what is not.]

204: w.r.t Molt’s panentheism, God’s indwelling makes “the whole creation the house of God.” [JC is where God ‘houses’ himself.]

208: Molt insists that the Christian doctrine of the Trinity “integrates the truth in monotheism and pantheism.” [What is the truth of pantheism? Monotheism as such is idolatry.]

209: Molt: “a non-creative God would be imperfect.” [Then God creates out of inner necessity and God’s creating is not a free act.]

221: Molt’s assertion that God’s love logically entails suffering eliminates the i.t.

222: Once God’s Spirit is identified with cosmic spirit, the doctrine of sin is lost.

231: In short, God needs creatures in order to be God. God is no longer sovereign as the catholic tradition understands the term; God’s sovereignty is “his sustaining fellowship with his creatures and his people.” [God’s sovereignty as his non-dependence on his creation has been forfeited. Only the God who is free from the world can act upon the world in love.]

 

 

Chapter Eight

Alan Torrance

235: recapitulation: the distinction between the i.t. and the e.t. means that God’s works ad extra are not necessities grounded in our transcendental experience or a principle of relationality (communion.).

237: Alan Torrance thinks that Rahner made explicit problems that are implicit in Barth. Molnar disagrees.

240: AT’s strong point: grace draws us into the Trinitarian relations by the Spirit so that Christ living in us doesn’t cancel or compromise the fact that we are agents in our own thinking and doing, even as our own thinking and doing are brought to completion in Christ.

242: AT’s criticism of Barth: Barth’s “revelation model” obscures our communion with God.

243: Molnar’s criticism: AT fails to grasp that for Barth knowledge (of God) and fellowship (with God) are inseparable. For B, knowledge of God is born of fellowship with God (i.e., faith in God.) [Bible passim] [When AT speaks of “communion” he appears to mean “continuity”.]

247: M’s criticism: AT’s und’g of our inclusion by grace in the Son’s eternal communion with the Father is rendered constitutive of our personhood. [Doesn’t this divinise us? Isn’t this a reappearance of the nature-grace continuum?]

248: M: “ Torrance finds the continuity between God and the creatures in semantic thought forms that he believes have become integral to the Christ event.” [Could any thought form be the continuity between God and creation? Is there such a continuity at all?]

248: Such a continuity occurs in that communion takes primacy over revelation. [Redemption is always the content of revelation. Therefore communion [=fellowship, not continuity] between God and [sinful] creatures can never take primacy over rev. We know God only as we are reconciled to God in faith. Note the absence of a discussion of faith in AT.]

250: AT’s notion of communion obscures God as the acting subject in his relations with us. Result: AT has reintroduced a form of the analogia entis.

251: AT’s description of revelation as “epistemic atonement” distorts the meaning of revelation; i.e., revelation is a result of communion rather than of God’s act. This in turn suggests that Christ’s humanity as such reveals.

 

Jungel

262: Jl seems to understand God not merely from revelation but also from the human context of theological statement; e.g., an experience of gratitude is at the same time an exp. of God [[Rahner has returned.] Jl herein blunts experience of God as our knowledge of God born by the Spirit’s ‘introducing’ us to the Son – and all of this as God’s soteriological act.]

264: One problem arising from this: humanity is part of the Godhead. [Human love is not an aspect of God’s love. [Hegel]]

268: A FATALITY: the i.t. is merely the summarizing concept of the e.t.; i.e., the i.t. is merely a way of speaking of the e.t. This renders impossible the i.t. as the ground of the e.t.

 

 

Chapter Nine

274: Note Gunton’s warning that we understand the e.t. as scripture does [revelationally/soteriologically] not as the foundation of an agenda for socio-political alteration wherein Christ becomes a principle subserving, e.g., cultural transformation.

277: M’s disagreement with Gu: Gu undervalues the noetic damage of the Fall [w.r.t. God], and therefore Gu undervalues the extent to which revelation is offensive. E.g., rev. doesn’t merely “liberate energies that are inherent in created rationality.” [M’s implicit point: fallen rationality needs to be restored to its integrity (since Fallen reason is devastated with respect to knowledge of God), not merely ‘released.’ In this context M points out that “faith” appears infrequently in Gu’s theology of the Trinity.]

278: Barth doesn’t undervalue the noetic damage of the Fall.

270: M on Gu: the Virgin Birth doesn’t suggest that Jesus isn’t fully human.

295: Note M’s detection of a naturalistic element in Gu: relationality as such – “the relations in which we stand” (Gu) – acquaint us with who we are. [Human self-knowledge is a predicate of our knowledge of God – and therefore must be revealed.] [Shepherd finds a naturalistic element in many places throughout Gunton’s work; e.g., Gu’s insistence that humans need to be perfected, rather then redeemed/corrected and then perfected. What lurks here once again is the nature/grace continuum.]

 

Chapter Ten: Conclusion

311: M’s book has been (i) a sustained protest against the tendency to allow experience “to dictate the meaning of theological categories”; (ii) a sustained insistence that while our experience of God gives rise to our articulation of the e.t., the same experience directs us away from experience to the Word and Spirit (i.t.) as the source of our theological knowledge.

 

311: Recapitulation: the four indicators of contemporary theology’s failure to discern the need for a doctrine of the i.t.:

i) God is made dependent on and indistinguishable from history;

ii) the humanity of Jesus itself reveals [implicit denial of the Incarnation and Holy Spirit;
explicit marginalizing of faith.

iii) Holy Spirit is confused with human spirit;

iv) experience and self-transcendence are made the origin and substance of theology.

 

313: M: “God sets the terms for theological insights.” [=God is the author and object of revelation. As God acts upon us he forges within us the capacity and desire for knowing him and the categories whereby we may speak of him.]

313: If Trinitarian life is no more than our life, we are doomed. However – our real life is hidden with Christ in God.

The bottom Line: Either the Immanent Trinity – or We Are Still in Our Sins.

 

[1] Rahner in nuce: “Rahner explores human self-transcendence assuming that we have an obediential potency for revelation and a supernatural existential which identifies revelation and grace with our transcendental dynamisms.     But these very assumptions blur the distinction between nature and grace.” P.165

Pursuing Freedom in the Body of Christ

This article appeared in “Pathway in Process”, the magazine of New Direction for Life Ministries. www.newdirection.ca/home.htm

 

Pursuing freedom in the Body of Christ

Forward

Dr. Shepherd, a former professor of mine at Tyndale Seminary, has been an enthusiastic supporter of the work of New Direction. When he offered to help the ministry, I immediately knew what to ask of him: “Please write an article for our newsletter.” As you read it, I trust you will understand my request. In Dr. Shepherd’s exposition of John Wesley’s development of the integration of holiness and community we see some of the foundational principles that undergird our work here at New Direction.

Those who struggle with homosexuality need to discover the authentic hope, practical application, and tangible results that Wesley’s adherents found. In our support groups we seek to apply the same principles: to love the same-gender attracted struggler unconditionally, and to create a safe, trusted environment of confidentiality, where strugglers can be transparent and truthful. The goal of our ministry is to support same-gender attracted individuals “to obey that command of God, ‘Confess your faults one to another, and pray for one another that ye may be healed.”.

Some of our readers who are same-gender attracted may reconsider their need for consistent support and accountability after reading this article. If you live in Ottawa , Windsor , Guelph , St. Catherines, Sarnia , Winnipeg or Toronto we can get you connected with a support group. If you are too far from these cities, contact us anyway. We are increasing our contacts throughout the country. We would be honoured to explore with you the best place to get connected and to begin experiencing new freedom, healing and growth. Don’t go it alone. God gives you the gift of His Body – the Body of Christ.

wg 

I shall never forget the man who found the courage to pour out before me his heart-wrenching confession of sin. He was able to articulate it despite his shame and humiliation only because he trusted me to help him. Aware of his predicament and his fragility, I summoned up all the pastoral wisdom I could find within me and pressed upon him as persistently, patiently and convincingly as I could that forgiveness of God whose immensity comprehended the length and breadth, height and depth of human self-contradiction. After all, if God’s people are to forgive “seventy times seven,” would God himself ever do less? To my dismay the fellow remained unaffected. After a few seconds of anguished silence he blurted, heart-brokenly, “I don’t want forgiveness; I want deliverance.”

The man meant, of course, that he didn’t want mere forgiveness. John Wesley would have concurred. For Wesley knew that the early-day Methodist communities thrived on a truth that had lain dormant too long in the church at large; namely, God can do something with sin beyond forgiving it (as glorious as forgiveness is.) Specifically, God can release people from its power over them. Forgiveness or pardon relieves us of sin’s guilt, Wesley insisted; newness of life releases us from sin’s grip. Wesley knew that to offer people relief now, only to tell them that release awaited them at life’s end (all Christians agreed that release was guaranteed post-mortem) was to consign them to despair for this life. He insisted that there was no limit to the scope of God’s deliverance in this life. Years later he noted that where this truth was upheld the Methodist communities flourished; where it was submerged they withered.

The addictiveness of sin

At the same time Wesley’s people were anything but naïve concerning sin’s grip. They knew that all sin is addictive. (If it were less than addictive wouldn’t all sinners – which is to say, everyone – have long since given it up?) And they had in their midst people whose addiction was notorious: public, pronounced, undeniable and undisguisable. Either such people would find the gospel merely a pronouncement of pardon that meanwhile left them victims to their addiction or they would come to know that there is indeed One “who can break every fetter” – and do so now.

Since Wesley insisted there to be “no holiness but social holiness,” he gathered his people into small groups or “bands” of four or five individuals; these bands were the context for and occasion of his people’s deliverance. These bands were effective only if people were utterly honest at the weekly meeting, withholding nothing. For this reason, then, the bands were segregated by gender.

Since there were temptations and traps peculiar to people in particular jobs, there were bands for coalminers, bands for shopkeepers, bands for homemakers, bands for soldiers, and so on. In addition there were bands for those struggling with a particular habituation: bands for “drunkards,” for “whoremongers,” for abusers of drugs such as laudanum and opium. In addition there was a group for people who were afflicted with no notorious, besetting sin but whose spiritual maturity had brought them to see that darkness of every sort still lurked in them, and had brought them as well to crave deliverance from it as they single-mindedly craved nothing else.

You shall be holy….

In all of this Wesley had in mind the “root” commandment of scripture: “You shall be holy as I the Lord your God am holy.” (Leviticus 19:2) Yet in the wake of his Puritan ancestry (both his paternal and maternal grandfathers had been outstanding Puritan ministers) he knew that all God’s commands are “covered promises:” what God requires of his people God will unfailing work in his people. Linking the “root” commandment of Israel (and the church) with the “great commandment” of Jesus – “You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, soul, mind and strength, and your neighbour as yourself” – Wesley’s “band” aimed ultimately, for everyone regardless of the expression of one’s sin, deliverance from every impediment and inhibition right here. In other words, the bands aimed at a deliverance that began in release from one or another, more or less dramatic, addiction, only to end in release from a “selfism” that found someone self-abandoned in self-forgetful love of God and neighbour. Wesley knew this alone to be the “freedom” that the gospel promises.

Never naïve about the grip with which sin grips us, Wesley was aware that several things were essential if the bands were to operate effectively. (Needless to say, if the bands weren’t effective they would disappear overnight.) In the first place, those who tentatively, tremblingly stepped into one had to know they were loved and would continue to be cherished. In the second place they had to know that those before whom they disburdened themselves could be trusted – trusted not to be affronted by what they heard, trusted not to ridicule the suffering of someone whose habituation was as painful as it was embarrassing, and above all trusted not to betray anyone by blabbing on the street what had to remain in the meeting. In the third place band-members themselves had to be without disguise and without dissimulation but rather transparent and truthful.

Rules of the Band Societies

On Christmas Day, 1738, Wesley drew up the “Rules of the Band Societies.” He stated the band’s purpose unambiguously: “The design of our meeting is to obey that command of God, ‘Confess your faults one to another, and pray for one another that ye may be healed.” Then he specified the “rules.” For instance,

Rule #1: To meet once a week, at the least.” Rule #4: To speak, each of us in order, freely and plainly the true state of our souls, with the faults we have committed in thought, word or deed, and the temptations we have felt since our last meeting.” Then Wesley wrote, “Some of the questions proposed to every one before he is admitted amongst us may be to this effect:” – and proceeded to list some such questions. For instance,
Question #6: “Do you desire to be told of your faults?” Question #7: “Do you desire to be told of all your faults, and that plain and home?” Question #11: “Is it your desire and design to be on this and all other occasions entirely open, so as to speak everything that is in your heart, without exception, without disguise, and without reserve?”Wesley, however, wasn’t finished. While the preceding questions “may” be asked, the “five following [must be asked] at every meeting.” For instance,

Question #4: “What have you thought, said or done of which you doubt whether it be sin or not?” Question #5: “Have you nothing you desire to keep secret?”Plainly the self-disclosure asked of the band-members was stark and startling. Wesley knew, however, that only such searing honesty and accountability in a context of pledged support would suffice as the environment for the One who could and did “break every fetter.”

Small groups thrive on self-disclosure

The “small group movement” in the church today owes everything to Wesley. And so do the para-church groups, such as Alcoholics Anonymous. They thrive on the frankest self-disclosure, self-abandonment to the group and the group’s “Higher Power,” accountability that is near-brutal in its confrontation, and a willingness to endure any inconvenience at any hour for the sake of a fellow-sufferer whose pain has become unendurable and who cries out desperately for a deliverance whose alternative is despair.

At one point in my theological education I studied under a psychiatrist who related to the class a simple experiment that has been documented many times over. Ten people are placed in a room. Nine people have been “clued in” beforehand as to what’s going on. The tenth, however, has been told nothing. A box is brought forward containing twenty marbles. Everyone is asked to count the marbles. Then each person is asked to state how many there are. One after the other says “Nineteen; exactly nineteen.” The “not-clued” person, having carefully noted that there were twenty, begins to doubt himself. Soon he capitulates, admits he must have miscounted, and agrees: nineteen.

My psychiatrist-instructor pointed out that sooner or later everyone capitulates; we differ only in how long it takes different people to capitulate. Then the experiment is changed slightly: there are two people in the “game” who haven’t been clued in. When they count the marbles and announce “Twenty” they hold out far longer in the face of those who insist “Nineteen.” When a third person is added, the three together don’t capitulate.

The experiment, of course, operates merely at the level of the natural. How much more is promised a group of sufferers when the power of “Our great God and Saviour” is added.

Victor Shepherd

 

 

Egerton Ryerson

Egerton Ryerson

 

“No community can thrive without a journal,” insisted Mahatma Gandhi as he led his followers in shedding their British overlords and the “glass ceilings” that Britain ’s class system had reinforced among India ’s people. Ryerson knew that the Methodist people of early Nineteenth Century Upper Canada needed their own journal if they were to forefend discouragement, fragmentation and ultimate capitulation to the financial, social and religious tyranny of the “Family Compact.” Agreeing with their young leader (he was 26 years old) the Methodist Conference of 1829 established the Christian Guardian, a weekly paper Ryerson was elected to edit. It first distributed 500 copies. In three years it was producing 3,000. Soon it was the most widely read and influential paper of any in the province. The Guardian articulated Methodist theological concerns, religious issues of everyday life, discussions of the nature of the public good and the sort of government needed to advance it, educational reform (always a priority with Ryerson), and practical advice in household economics. (While the Methodists opposed the production and consumption of distilled spirits, one issue at least of the Guardian informed readers of the subtleties of beer-brewing.) The paper’s circulation eclipsed the official Upper Canada Gazette. The foreparent of The United Church’s Observer was campaigning militantly.   Ryerson had known it had to be effective if shocking social inequities that were nothing less than cruel iniquities were to be overturned.

Ryerson was born March 24, 1803 in Vittoria (near Port Dover,) Ontario . His parents, Dutch Protestants who had wearied of the suffocation born of Europe’s social confinement, had migrated to the New World for the sake of the opportunities it afforded. His oldest New World ancestor, Martin Reyerzoon, had landed in New Amsterdam before the British conquest renamed the settlement New York in 1664. With the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, the “United Empire Loyalist” family, Anglican now, migrated once more.

Egerton farmed and studied until he was eighteen, when he identified publicly with the Methodists, the movement through which he had been spiritually awakened. “Leave them or leave home,” his outraged father fumed. Ryerson left home, supporting himself as a student teacher in the local grammar school.

Moving from school teaching to the ministry, the Methodist Probationer managed to absorb both the best of classical literature, theology and contemporary philosophy. Now qualified for ordination, Ryerson was appointed to the Yonge Street Circuit, a triangle that gathered up far-flung people from Pickering to Weston to the south shore of Lake Simcoe . It took him a month to visit all the preaching points within it. Sunday alone found him riding thirty miles, preaching three times and addressing two classes.

Then it happened: the event that brought him unprecedented opportunity, altering forever his public image and fixing his name in Canadian history.

In 1825 Toronto ’s Bishop John Strachan preached at the funeral of a fellow-prelate. The sermon adulated the Church of England while vilifying the Methodists. For years Strachan had been the power broker of the Family Compact, a handful of rich families who monopolized business, finance, and education. It aimed at perpetuating the social stratification that allowed the privileged to exploit the New World’s version of Britain ’s class structure, the worst in Europe . Strachan sought to punish any who didn’t support the Compact’s constellation of power, piety, prestige and privilege.

Strachan accused the Methodist people of being crypto-republicans whose zeal for democracy amounted to mob-elevation. He sneered at their preachers (only Anglicans could be called “clergy”) as intellectual mediocrities unfit to announce the gospel. He supported the legislation that forbade Methodists to solemnize marriages or hold title to church buildings, parsonages and cemeteries.

Ryerson, now 25 years old, championed his people and penned their reply. The pseudonymous riposte voiced Methodism’s disgust at the Anglican Church’s political prostitution. It listed the academic rigours required for Methodist ordination. It recalled John Wesley’s insistence that all Methodist preachers study five hours per day. It pointed out that the Wesleyan Methodist Church (one of the two major Methodist bodies in Upper Canada ) had never known an American root, while the Methodist Episcopal Church (admittedly of American origin) had virtually no American-born preachers.

However Ryerson has become a household name in Canada , with churches, streets and schools named after him, on account of his colossal achievement concerning public education. Heartbroken to see one-half of school-aged children with no formal education and the remaining half averaging only a year’s, and horrified at the poor training and brutal disposition of the “teacher” in too many villages, Ryerson crusaded to establish high-quality public education that required no means tests, whether religious or monetary. Thinking ill of a British school system that preserved the worst class division in Europe, he visited public schools in Holland , Italy and France , twice examining the education system that the Protestant Reformer Philip Melanchthon had implemented 300 years earlier in Germany . As early as 1524, when only 27 years old, Melanchthon had pioneered the pedagogical methods in which teachers were trained.

Recognized now, Ryerson’s sphere of influence ballooned when he was appointed at age 41 as Chief Superintend of Common Schools for Canada West (1844,) and two years later promoted to Chief Superintendent of Education, an office he occupied until his retirement.

As expected, the socially privileged objected. George Brown, editor of Toronto ’s Globe newspaper, ranted that Ryerson had imported “Prussian” education into Ontario . Most people knew, rather, that Ryerson had elevated teaching from a miserable job to a calling akin to that of the ordained ministry.

Ryerson knew that the life of the mind was a good in itself. Still, he never denied education’s utilitarian significance. The public good would always be served by better quality public education. Not to be overlooked was his conviction that public education was essential to social democracy. While political democracy – each citizen is allowed to vote – was easy to achieve, social democracy occurred only as all citizens had equal access to opportunity. Apart from social democracy, class stratification would deny people all socio-economic mobility and freeze them in frustrating private and public “prisons.” Different clusters in the society would then turn inward for support and subsequently outward in hostility.

Ryerson’s educational vision, then, entailed vastly more than schooling: it entailed a vision for a nation, its people and its future.

On the 500th Anniversary of the Birth of Heinrich Bullinger, Reformer

On the 500th Anniversary of the Birth of Heinrich Bullinger, Reformer

1504 – 1575

Unlike the first generation of Reformation “pioneers” (e.g., Martin Luther, born 1483 and Ulrich Zwingli, 1484) Bullinger was a consolidator. While adding his own perspective to Protestant theology it was his genius to be less an innovator than someone who could gather up and “package” the gospel riches that hungry people craved in Switzerland and elsewhere. Apart from him the theological “shape” of late Sixteenth and early Seventeenth Century England is unimaginable. Without him the first waves of English Puritans wouldn’t have thrived.

His output is prodigious. Luther’s written work fills fifty-five large volumes. Calvin’s 2000-page Institutes of the Christian Religion (penned as a primer for first-year students of theology) represents only 6.8% of the Genevan’s output. Bullinger’s writings are greater than both Luther’s and Calvin’s together.

Born in Bremgarten, a town twenty kilometres west of Zurich , Bullinger was raised for the priesthood. His father, a priest sworn to celibacy, followed scores of other clergy in Switzerland in living common-law with the woman who bore him five sons. Heinrich sr. annually paid the area bishop whatever it took to have ecclesiastical officialdom look the other way.

Like the majority of Protestant thinkers, young Bullinger knew that a humanist education was important for anyone pursuing ordination; essential if one was to provide both theological and institutional leadership in the church. Departing from his father’s Catholicism, Bullinger moved to the University of Cologne ( Germany ) where he would be immersed in the work of Erasmus and Melanchthon. Erasmus was regarded as the paragon of the Renaissance. Melanchthon, the first systematic theologian of the Reformation and “packager” of the riches that the Lutherans had mined, was deemed the best Greek scholar in Europe upon the death of Erasmus.

Graduating with his B.A in 1520 and his M.A. in 1522, Bullinger was invited to teach at the Cistercian monastery in Kappel. In the mixed-up state-of-affairs that riddled so very much of Reformation-era Europe , the young instructor brought the monastery into the fold of the Reformed expression of the faith, even as the abbot encouraged and assisted him.

In 1523 the nineteen-year old met Zwingli, the brilliant inaugurator of Reform in Switzerland . Glad of the opportunity to be Zwingl’s theological apprentice, Bullinger left the monastery and plunged into his mentor’s intellectual orbit. The older man recognized Bullinger’s ability and invited him to accompany him to the major disputation at Berne in 1528. Tragically Zwingli would die defending his homeland at the Battle of Kappel in 1531. The eight-year apprenticeship would soon bear immense fruit.

Soon much unfolded quickly. In May 1529 Bullinger (still officially Roman Catholic, bizarrely) replaced his father as priest in Bremgarten. In June 1529 the town sided with the Reformation. Since the Protestant expression of the faith was now government-sanctioned, the clergy could marry instead of lurking in the clandestine relationships wherein they had sought connubial comfort and consolation. Bullinger lost no time: two months later he married Anna Adlischwyler – whereupon his father espoused Reformed doctrine and married the woman he had known for decades. In 1531 Bullinger moved to Zurich in order to succeed Zwingli as Cathedral preacher.

Bullinger’s “stamp” is evident principally in a major confession and a theology that underlies everything he wrote. The theology is marked by the notion of covenant, and after him Protestant thought, when faithful to the gospel, has always exemplified “Covenant Theology.” (See the work of Karl Barth.) God’s covenant is his promise to us that he will ever be our God. He has pledged himself irrevocably to us, and asks us to pledge ourselves to him: “I shall be your God and you shall be my people.” God unfailingly keeps the covenant he makes. We sinners, however, are inveterate covenant-breakers. In Jesus Christ, the Son Incarnate, there has appeared that one (the only one) who is the human, faithful covenant-partner with the Father. As Christians are bound to Jesus Christ in faith we are identified with our “elder brother” and therefore are recognized as covenant-keepers with him.

The major work bearing Bullinger’s handprint is the 1566 Second Helvetic Confession. ( Helvetia is Latin for “ Switzerland .) Knox’s Church of Scotland endorsed this document without qualification. It is Bullinger’s single greatest triumph. Over sixty pages long, it articulates comprehensively and comprehensibly that Word-fostered faith which attempted to shed the non-gospel accretions that past centuries had accumulated. While the Second Helvetic Confession is a model of theological succinctness and profundity, its best-known line is Bullinger’s Praedicatio verbum Dei verbum Dei est – the preaching of the Word of God is itself the Word of God. In other words, when the gospel is preached by fumbling, stumbling humans, the risen, sovereign Jesus Christ adopts the event, owns it and vivifies it by the power of the Spirit so as to loom before hearers and acquaint them with himself as surely as he “leaned” on hearers during the days of his earthly ministry.

There was more to Bullinger. He corresponded with leaders throughout the Protestant world. Archives currently hold 15,000-plus letters to and from him, including 300 that Calvin alone addressed to him. Preaching at least six times per week, he distilled his sermons into an “essence,” several Decades (so named in that each Decade contained ten items) that fuelled Reformation lighthouses guiding those otherwise on theological shoals. The Latin Decades were immediately translated into Dutch, German, French and English. They helped immensely English clergy struggling to understand and expound the Reformed faith. Eventually they were reprinted seventy-seven times.

A pastor first (as were all the Reformers,) Bullinger’s House Book, a treatise on pastoral theology, was reprinted 137 times. The pastor and his wife extended hospitality to several leaders among the Marian exiles, those men and women whom “Bloody” Mary (1553-1558) had hounded out of England . Steeped now in Bullinger’s theology and ecclesiology, as soon as Elizabeth allowed them to return they infused the nascent Puritan movement and the Presbyterianism that emerged from it.

Bullinger ministered in Zurich for forty-four years (1531-1575,) a period that “bookends” the whole of Calvin’s theological existence. His contribution to the Reformation is immense.

Fellowship Magazine is right to recognize Bullinger and therein fulfil the Fifth Commandment. For it is no small matter to honour our parents – including the theological.

Victor Shepherd

Psalm 30: The God Who Restores

(address given at Knox Presbyterian Church, Toronto, 21 July2004)

Psalm 30: The God Who Restores

 

I: — Prosperity: is it bane or blessing? Scripture speaks with one mind: prosperity is blessing. Abundance is good. Scarcity, on the other hand, is evil. Poverty is a curse. The Messianic Age will see the end of poverty and the conditions that promote poverty; it will see as well the end of the consequences of poverty; namely, the shrivelling of the human good that occurs in the wake of distress and destitution.

God, who is good himself, fashions a creation that is only good itself. God’s creation is fashioned so as to bring forth everything needed to sustain the creaturely good; sustain it, enhance it, magnify it. Only in the wake of the Fall does scarcity occur. Such scarcity is a blight in nature that leaves its victims blighted humanly.

For this reason our Lord Jesus Christ, everywhere in his earthly ministry, overturns the evil one’s molestation of the creation. He restores those who have been victimized by a creation that hasn’t fostered the human good God intends for them. It’s no wonder, then, that Jesus feeds hungry people. He knows that hunger is more than a physical problem. Hunger warps people’s thinking quickly and pervasively; hunger distorts the human psyche hideously. Famine is a horror, scripture recognizes, that could scarcely be more horrible.

How horrible? And what horror does it work in the human heart? We are told [2nd Kings 6:25 ] that because of a military siege there was a great famine in Samaria . People were scrambling to eat the head of a dead donkey or a handful of bird poop. Two women, out of their minds on account of their hunger, made a pact with each other: “Today we’ll eat your baby; tomorrow, we’ll eat mine.” Whereupon they boiled an infant and ate it.

Silly romantics may sentimentalize poverty, but as I learned a long time ago, they can romanticize poverty just because they’ve never been poor themselves. No poor person has ever thought poverty glorious.

When our Lord commands us to pray, “Give us today our daily bread,” no doubt there are many layers of meaning to his pronouncement. But in our haste to find many subtle layers we shouldn’t overlook the most obvious meaning: “daily bread” means exactly what it says: bread, the physical sustenance we need, and without which we can’t do anything else; can’t work, can’t think, can’t worship, can’t pray. To be sure, we don’t live by bread alone; just as surely, without bread we don’t live at all.

Jesus unlocks paralysed limbs. He comes upon a woman who’s been bent double for eighteen years. For two decades the horizon of her life has been filled with dirty feet. What kind of a perspective on God’s good creation is that? Jesus doesn’t speculate blasphemously about “God’s will.” He knows that her condition contradicts God’s will. Angrily he hisses, “Satan has done this.” And then he frees her as she lives henceforth in the abundance of her restoration. Deprivation is bane. Prosperity is blessing.

 

II: — And yet prosperity, paradoxically, is the occasion of temptation. Prosperity readily gives rise to spiritual complacency. Having pleaded with God for daily bread, and having been granted daily bread, we are preoccupied now with bread, cake and cream puffs as we cease to pray at all. We become spiritually indifferent, complacent, even presumptuous. Prosperity quickly finds prosperous people gloating in their fancied superiority. The psalmist knew this. In Ps. 30:6 he recalls that he became prosperous even as he confesses to us, “I said in my prosperity, ‘I shall never be moved.’”

“What arrogance,” we say; “What folly. ‘I shall never be moved.’” Plainly the psalmist thought himself invulnerable. “I’ve got it made. I’ve arrived. And now I’m untouchable, impregnable. I couldn’t be toppled in view of the security my prosperity provides me.”

In the entire history of the church I think there are few people who consistently reminded each other of the dangers of prosperity as much as the Seventeenth Century Puritans did. They were uncommonly prosperous people. They sensed their uncommon vulnerability. They knew they had to keep before them the danger their prosperity brought them.

The Puritans had judiciously distanced themselves from other Christian traditions that idealized poverty. They knew, for instance, that poverty is never spiritually meritorious. They never thought poverty to be an instrument of sanctity. They were aware that scarcity, so far from promoting sanctity, more frequently fostered envy, bitterness, hopelessness. The Puritans believed that God commanded work and blessed it. They regarded gainful employment as a form of stewardship.

Yet they were never naïve concerning wealth. On the contrary they knew that prosperity brought temptation as little else did. John Robinson (widely known for his aphorism, “God has yet more truth and light to bring forth from his holy Word”) wrote, “Both poverty and riches have their temptations. And of the two states the temptations of riches are the more dangerous.” The Puritans recognized an inverse relationship between wealth and godliness: the more prosperous people became the less zealous they were for God.

The Puritans saw three great dangers in prosperity. (i) In prosperous people there is a tendency for wealth to replace God as the object of ultimate devotion. (ii) Prosperity leads people to rely on themselves instead of on God. (iii) Prosperity is lethal because addictive: prosperity generates an appetite that prosperity can never satisfy. In other words, prosperity, so far from satisfying people, leaves them profoundly discontented. At the same time it fosters a mood of self-sufficiency and invulnerability. Exclaimed the psalmist, “I said in my prosperity, ‘I shall never be moved.’”

One hundred years after the Puritan era John Wesley rode forth. Wesley picked up where his Puritan foreparents had left off. (I want to say in passing that there is much, much more Puritanism in Wesley than most Wesleyans are aware of.) But whereas the Puritans had been careful and cautious concerning prosperity, Wesley was scathing. He was scathing because he had to witness first-hand over and over how prosperity sapped his people’s spiritual ardour and attenuated their kingdom-commitment and turned sacrifice into selfism.

Here’s what Wesley saw.

Stage one. His people had been drunken and dissolute, impoverished and suffering from all the ills that poverty brings.

Stage two. His people had heard the gospel and had abandoned themselves to Jesus Christ as the Holy Spirit torched them. Now they were sober. Because they were sober they were employable. Because they were industrious they profited. Because they no longer gambled away money or boozed it away or whored it away or simply frittered it they accumulated money. As their bank account swelled their social position rose. Wesley and his people agreed with the psalmist in Ps. 30:6: “By thy favour (what greater favour is there than the gospel?) thou hast established me as a strong mountain.” In other words, like the psalmist their new-found strength and stability came from the gospel, came from God’s favour.

Stage three.   As their social position rose their spiritual zeal fell. Now they were indifferent to matters of the kingdom. They no longer made any sacrifice for the cause of Jesus Christ. They no longer inconvenienced themselves in assisting the suffering neighbour. They gave up their pursuit of holiness.

Wesley’s frustration drove him near-mad. He was frustrated inasmuch as his people had prospered on account of the gospel. But then their new-found abundance blunted their spiritual hunger. Whereas Wesley had said to them, “Earn all you can; save all you can; give all you can,” he now lamented that his people were very good at the first two and woefully deficient at the third. In his frustration he wrote nine tracts, each one sharper than the one before.

In 1781, at the age of 78, Wesley addressed this issue yet again. He noted that when his people had been drunken and dissolute they had an appetite for vulgarity. Now they had a taste for refinement. This taste for refinement Wesley called “genteel sensuality.” There was nothing gross or lurid about it; on the contrary it was the soul of social sophistication. Whereas at one time they had lacked bread, now they were discussing the merits of caviar. Whereas at one time they had stupefied themselves on gin, now they were comparing notes on flavours of tea (tea was frightfully expensive in Eighteenth Century England and was sipped by the socially elevated.) Wesley noted that spiritual inertia invariably accompanied a taste for refinement.

Then, in his 1781 “scorcher,” he put his finger on something I have read nowhere else. He traced a horrifying process:

-as we become more affluent we assume greater self-importance;

-as we assume greater self-importance we become more easily affronted (in other words, snobbishness invariably gives rise to touchiness 😉

-as we are more easily affronted we are more prone to revenge.

In other words, prosperity magnifies our self-importance; and this increases our touchiness; and this renders us cruelly vindictive.

“As for me, I said in my prosperity, ‘I shall never be moved.’’ “I’m a mean-spirited, super-sensitive snob who can’t be shaken. Just try shaking me.”

 

III: — And that is exactly what God did. The psalmist couldn’t be moved? What an arrogant, cocksure, self-important fool – as he was soon to admit himself to be.

We do think ourselves Herculean, don’t we. But it takes only a nerve, finer than a hair, pinched between two vertebrae and our arm will dangle uselessly or our leg will drag lamely, all of this accompanied by excruciating pain. We think ourselves impregnable, don’t we. But it only takes a bacterium, too small to be seen with the naked eye, and we are sick unto death. We think ourselves invulnerable, don’t we. But it takes less pressure than we imagine to break us psychologically.

In Ps.30 the psalmist had become ill.   Since he thanks God for healing he must have been ill. And it was when he’d been brought low through his illness that he floundered. No longer did he crow, “I shall never be moved.” Now he was fragmented and was wondering if he could ever be put back together. Wholly vulnerable now, wholly defenceless, he looked in God’s direction, as it were, only to discover that there was no one to be seen. “Thou didst hide thy face.” (Ps.30:7) When his cocksureness had given way to desperation (it had never occurred to him to look to God when he was self-important) and he was floundering he decided he should look to God and find comfort in God’s face, since everywhere in scripture God’s face reflects God’s heart, a heart of mercy. To his horror he looked, and didn’t see God’s face; didn’t see anything – for, he tells us himself, God had hidden his face. If he had been able to voice his desperation in the words of Charles Wesley he could have cried out,

Oh, disclose thy lovely face.

Quicken all my drooping powers.

Gasps my fainting soul for grace

As a thirsty land for showers.

 

If he had had Wesley’s words wherewith to voice his desperation he might have cried out, “Lovely face? I can’t find any face.” “Thou didst hide thy face,” he laments in Ps.30, and then adds, “I was dismayed.”

Dismayed. The English word “dismayed” is derived from the Latin, dis-magare, to be denied all strength. Debilitated, destitute, defenceless. Invulnerable? He is nothing but vulnerable now. Can’t be moved, shaken, jarred or crushed? He’s pulverized now.

The psalmist’s suffering, and only his suffering, has brought him to his senses. His sickness has made him aware of his fragility; more importantly, his sickness and its attendant suffering has made him aware of God’s wrath, God’s judgement upon him. “Thou didst hide thy face.” Until he was sunk in suffering he never cared a whit about God’s face. Now he’d give anything to see God’s face, for if he could see God’s face he’d know God’s heart, know how things stood between him and God, know whether God was going to embrace him or flick him off, know whether God was going to smile upon him or grimace at the mention of his name. And at this moment God’s face is nowhere to be seen. His external affliction (whatever it was that had made him sick, together with the suffering this entailed) is now matched by an internal horror. Looking for God’s face, he sees nothing.

How bad was it? He tells us in verse 3: he had gone all the way down to Sheol, all the way down to the Pit. Sheol is the Hebrew expression for that realm of deadliness, deathliness, vacuity, so grim it couldn’t be grimmer. Sheol, the Pit, is “the pits.” It’s the sphere of icy, isolated bleakness so very icy, isolated and bleak that words can’t speak of it; just to think of it chills one. Sheol is that realm of existence where someone who used to think himself substantial now knows he’s but a shadow, no substance at all. He used to think himself clever; now he knows, if he knows anything for sure, that he knows nothing. He used to face life confidently; now he dreads the dregs of what used to be “life.” When the psalmist had sunk down into Sheol, the Pit, he was aware that he was so very low he couldn’t sink lower. He had hit bottom. His life lacked all brightness, all warmth, all vibrancy. It wasn’t even worth calling “life.” Now the psalmist was so very miserable that he feared he might not die.

 

IV: — There and then he blurted out, he tells us in verse 8; blurted out to the God whose face he couldn’t apprehend. Perhaps we are unimpressed by his “outblurt” since he wailed, “What profit for you is there in my death? How are you going to gain, God, by my everlasting misery? Is my sentence going to benefit you in any way? What will it do for you to leave me unrestored?” There’s something about the psalmist’s outblurt that irks us just because he appears not to be contrite yet; he appears to be a country mile away from genuine penitence. He says he’s in Sheol; he says he couldn’t be more devastated; he says he couldn’t sink lower, and yet there remains in him that residual pride that still thinks it can bargain with God somehow. He appears not to be like the publican in Luke 18 who can only plead, “God be merciful to me a sinner.” And yet so vast is God’s mercy, so incomprehensible his kindness, that God will accept any and all who turn to him out of any motive at all. William Temple, former archbishop of Canterbury and an acknowledged spiritual giant, used to say that God’s mercy is such astounding mercy that his mercy pardons even those who turn to him out of shabby motives still riddled with self-interest.

On second thought maybe we shouldn’t be too hard on the psalmist, because for sure he has one thing right: “If I go down to the dust (he’s starting to hear “dust to dust”,) will the dust praise thee? Will it tell of thy faithfulness?” What does he have right? He knows that the purpose of life, everyone’s life, is to praise God. The vocation to which all humankind is summoned is the vocation of bearing witness to God’s faithfulness. On the surface the psalmist is saying, “You’ve got to restore me, God, or else your own cause won’t look good and your own purpose will remain unfulfilled. If you restore me then you and I both gain.” On the surface he seems to be saying something as crass as this. More profoundly, however, in his suffering he has recalled what he’d forgotten in his prosperity; namely, that only as he is restored will he be able to do once more what he should never have ceased doing: praising the God who is creator and redeemer, bearing witness to the unimpeachable faithfulness of God, announcing to any and all that there is none like the Holy One of Israel who cherished him the moment he was conceived and will watch over him for ever. The psalmist climaxes his cry to God with the plea, “Hear, O Lord, and be gracious to me. O Lord, be thou my helper.”

His change of heart is evident: he is a self-confessed sinner standing in the need of a grace he can never merit. Only God’s undeserved mercy can restore him. Only God’s sovereign kindness can resurrect him. “Nothing in my hand I bring” a hymnwriter was to pen for him centuries later, “Simply to thy cross – mercy – I cling.” “We have no other argument,” sang Charles Wesley, “We have no other plea; it is enough that Jesus died, and that he died ‘for me.’” Regardless of how self-serving the psalmist might sound to us, his outcry, “Be gracious to me,” means “I have nothing to plead, no excuses to make; ‘Nothing in my hand I bring.’”

“O Lord, be thou my helper.” Contrary to what the English might suggest the psalmist isn’t asking for help, assistance, aid. Help is just that: help, boosting, abetting. “Be thou my help” doesn’t mean “Give me a hand and I can do the rest myself.” “Be thou my help” means “I am utterly helpless, and as long as I am helpless my predicament is hopeless.” “Be thou my help” doesn’t mean he needs a hand; it means that like Lazarus his fellow Israelite he needs nothing less than resurrection, resurrection from the dead. After all, he’s in Sheol, isn’t he?

 

IV: — What was the result of his cry to God? The psalmist tells us in the exuberant exclamations that begin and end Psalm 30. The section of the psalm we began with tonight – the blessing and bane of prosperity – is found in the middle of the psalm. This middle part is “book-ended” by his praise and gratitude. Myself, I’m convinced that the horror of his dismay was so very horrible that he dares to think about it only if “book-ends” a recollected dismay with a present awareness, throbbing awareness, of God’s mercy and patience, of God’s effectual restoration. “I will extol thee, O God” (verse 1), “for thou hast drawn me up.” (RSV) More simply, “You lifted me.” (NIV) His imagery here is that of a bucket being drawn up from a well.   To be drawn up from a well is to be delivered from a predicament which we can’t escape by ourselves; it’s also to be delivered from a predicament that threatens to engulf us.

The psalmist knew his prosperity-quickened cocksureness had plunged him into the well. He had only himself to blame. He knew just as surely that while he alone had gotten himself in, he couldn’t get himself out. He had to be drawn out, lifted, as surely as our Lord Jesus Christ had to raise Lazarus from the dead and was himself resurrected from the dead for our sakes. The primary result of the psalmist’s cry is that God reached down into the Pit and lifted him up.

Accompanying this event were three collateral results.

[1] The psalmist becomes aware that God’s anger is but for a moment, while his favour is for a lifetime. We mustn’t misread these words and trivialize them, as if the psalmist were saying, “Do you know what I found out? God’s anger is real to be sure, but he’s over it quickly. All we have to do is let him blow off a little steam for a few seconds and we’ll find him as benign as ever. He storms up quickly, but the storm blows over just as quickly.” The psalmist is more profound than this. He means, “God’s favour is his eternal purpose. His anger – real, severe, never to be trifled with; his anger always serves his favour.” In scripture the purpose of God’s anger characteristically is to educate and correct. Luther used to say that God’s anger is his love burning hot. In other words, God’s anger is the expression his love takes when God wants to get our attention and therefore needs to shake us up, all for the sake of correcting us.   This is what the psalmist means by “His anger is but for a moment, his favour for a lifetime.”

With the same force he says, “Weeping may tarry for the night, but joy comes with the morning.” Weeping is what God quickens in us when we need to repent but see no need to repent, until his anger gives us reason to weep. But weeping is never God’s ultimate purpose for us. He causes us to weep only for the sake of his ultimate purpose: to make our hearts rejoice.

[2] Another collateral result: because God has restored him the psalmist’s enemies haven’t been allowed to gloat over him. He is sure, as is the older testament as a whole, that our ultimate enemies aren’t the people who are hostile to us; our real enemies are those who are hostile to God and who endeavour to subvert his kingdom. Elsewhere the psalmist cries (Psalm 139) “Your enemies are my enemies.” Please note this carefully. The psalmist doesn’t say, “My enemies are your enemies; therefore please clobber them for me.” Instead he knows that real enmity is defined by the kingdom of God . The psalmist’s real enemies are first God’s enemies and are the psalmist’s enemies only because they are God’s enemies.

When the psalmist says that God has drawn him up from the Pit; God’s stabbing him awake, bringing him to his senses and thereby inducing his repentance; God’s doing this prevents God’s enemies from gloating over the fact that they now have the psalmist in their clutches and in fact have captured him forever. In restoring the psalmist, God has defeated God’s own enemies; in defeating his own enemies God has defeated the psalmist’s enemies. The real force of “Thou hast not let my foes rejoice over me” is “In restoring me, O God, you have deprived your enemies of all grounds for snickering and sneering at you. In restoring me you have vindicated yourself. And because you have vindicated yourself, your enemies can’t rejoice at you. And since I am your child, the same enemies, now mine as well, can’t rejoice at me.”

[3] A third collateral result: the psalmist’s restoration gives rise to his elation, and as his elation overflows in thanksgiving and praise the entire community is summoned to thank God and praise God together with the psalmist. To be sure, it’s the psalmist specifically whose prosperity took him down and it’s the psalmist specifically whom God seized and shook and restored. Nevertheless, the entire community should understand that it is as vulnerable as the psalmist was vulnerable. Moreover, the entire community is always in danger of being infected through the sin of one its members. Therefore the psalmist’s repentance and restoration can only have farthest-reaching consequences for the entire community. “Sing praises to the Lord, O you his saints [plural – ‘All of you!’], and give thanks to his holy name.”

True faith never claims experiential privilege. True faith never says, “I have been spiritually where you haven’t been, even where you can’t come, and I’ve been admitted to spiritual intimacies and wonders that you know nothing of. Therefore I can glow and you can’t.” True faith, rather, is always aware that any one individual’s engagement with God has profoundest implications for the entire community. Yes, Moses alone ascended Sinai and endured for forty days a visitation from God that was appalling and appealing in equal measure, an immediacy whose intimacy and intensity no vocabulary could ever capture. Nevertheless the Sinai event is pregnant for the entire community. For when Moses descended the mountain the Sinai event (together with the Exodus that preceded it) thereafter became the “root” event in Israel ’s life in which every last Jewish person remains rooted to this day. And when Moses descended the mountain he brought with him the Ten Words without which the subsequent history of the world is unimaginable.

The apostle Paul was admitted to the “third heaven,” as he puts it, where heard things “that cannot be told, what man may not utter.” There was vouchsafed to him an “abundance of revelations.” Vouchsafed to him simply for private enjoyment? Never. This intense intimacy with God wasn’t an experiential privilege devoid of significance for anyone else. His admission to the “third heaven” has everything to do with his apostolic commission. His immersion in “what cannot be told” equips him and fortifies him for that apostolic work which is undertaken in the cruciform “weakness” that Paul was stuck with all his life and in the midst of which he had to prove over and over that God’s grace was sufficient for him. Ultimately, of course, it’s the entire Gentile church that joins with Paul in thanking and praising God as surely the entire community joined with the psalmist.

Only Peter, James and John were with Jesus on the mount when they were admitted to wonders and mysteries and ecstasies that no vocabulary can comprehend. But the point wasn’t that they were merely to glow in it as if inwardly lit by a never-failing Duracell battery. Rather by it they were equipped to descend the mountain and immerse themselves in human strife and suffering, not the least of which was a young man whose convulsions deranged him repeatedly, threatened to kill him, and tormented his helpless father.

The psalmist, in Psalm 30, knows that his restoration impels his thanksgiving and praise to God, even as it impels the same response from the entire community. For the psalmist, now restored, is thereafter commissioned a witness to God’s power to restore. And the community, now a witness to the restoration of one of its members, is also commissioned a witness to God’s power to restore.

 

V: — The last point to be made tonight: as we ponder together the theme of restoration, and think particularly of the God who restores, we must probe the relation between restoration and rest. Prior to the Fall of humankind “rest” was rest. God rested on the Sabbath. Even so, prior to the Fall, we mustn’t think that “rest” thereby meant “vegging,” utter inactivity. We are often told (incorrectly) that God created the universe in six days. At the end of day six he was finished creating, with the result that on the seventh day he did nothing. This notion is wrong. The creation story in Genesis one tells us that God finished creating on the seventh day. God finished creating on the Sabbath, not prior to the Sabbath. God completed his work of creating on the seventh day. God climaxed and crowned his work on the seventh day, and for this reason hallowed the Sabbath. In other words “rest” in scripture never means “vegging;” “rest” never means “doing nothing.” “Rest” means “completing, crowning, bringing to fulfilment.”

In the wake of the Fall, however, it isn’t a good creation, unqualifiedly good as good from God’s hand, that is to be completed. In the wake of the Fall a good creation now devastated on account of sin has to be restored. Therefore in the wake of the Fall “rest” means “restoration.” “Rest” is now “fulfilment by way of restoration. “Rest” means a restoration that is essential if the creation’s God-intended fulfilment is to be recovered.

In Matthew 11 Jesus says, “Come unto me all who are weary and worn, sick and tired, frazzled and frantic and fed up; come to me and I will give you rest.” Give us utter inactivity? Give us room to “veg?” “Come to me and I will restore you so that God’s intention for you, the fulfilment of his purpose for you; all of this will be recovered.

In Hebrews 4 we are told, “There remains a Sabbath rest for the people of God.” God has promised his people that restoration which is nothing less than the fulfilment of his purpose for us recovered in the wake of our fallen condition. If such restoration is his promise to us and is therefore guaranteed; if this is what we are awaiting, why not anticipate it? Why not begin to live in it and delight in it now?

The psalmist’s suffering brought him to his senses. Now “smartened up,” he sought and was granted that restoration which left him and his congregation rejoicing, praising, singing. Then you and I should pray that God will seize us and shake us until we too come to our senses. For in our prosperity have not you and I said, and said more than once, “I shall never be moved”? And in God’s merciful providence, haven’t we been dismayed? And shouldn’t we now look to God and plead his help?

As we do, we shall find ourselves exclaiming with our 3000 year-old friend, “You have turned my mourning into dancing,” even as we invite the entire congregation to which we belong to join us in the praise and adoration of our great God and Saviour who invariably does all things well.

 

The Reverend Dr. V. Shepherd                                                                                               July 2004

Marriage

 (FAITH TODAY October 2003)

Marriage

 

“Is it a boy or a girl?” The first question asked concerning a newborn seems pointless since we do nothing with the answer but immediately discuss something else about the babe. But in fact the question is profound, for everybody knows, deep-down, that gender-specificity is essential to our humanness. If the question, “Boy or girl?”, were answered, “Neither”, the questioner would wonder if the neonate were actually human.

A careful reading of Scripture’s creation narratives informs us that the distinction between male and female is the only distinction (among all that differentiate people today) that God has embedded irrevocably in the creation itself. Other distinctions — alienating differences, for instance, of economics, learning, social position — can be overcome and should. For this reason the distinction between learned and ignorant is overcome by socially-sanctioned public education; that between rich and poor by government-mandated income tax and financial redistribution.

In the Genesis accounts the creation of land, water, vegetation, planets and animals is pronounced “good”, whereas the creation of man and woman is pronounced “very good” and is “blessed.” In other words, the man-woman complementarity (“complementarity” by definition restricted to two, and therefore always different from a “mutuality” that accommodates more than two persons of the same gender) is built into the creation, cannot be eradicated, and must not be denied or disdained. This complementarity isn’t an accident of history or a social convention.   Neither is it evil or inherently inhibiting. Marriage, rather, is a God-ordained relationship that can’t be duplicated. It penetrates to our innermost core as no other human bond can. Its companionship is uniquely our creaturely comfort and consolation.

According to God’s plan and purpose marriage is the union of one man and one woman in a lifelong bond that death alone terminates. Marriage is God’s provision for that utterly intimate and intense, consistent and constant human community that humankind craves. Many alternatives for this community may be pursued unwisely even as no substitute for it can be found. While married people are certainly part of a wider community (church, friendships, society) that presupposes inclusivity, exclusivity remains essential to marriage: “open” marriage is a contradiction in terms, since “complementarity”, unlike mutuality, permits only “two” to become “one”, “one flesh.” (“Trial marriage”, like “trial parachute jump”, is a contradiction in terms. The parachutist is either still in the plane — in which case she hasn’t jumped at all — or else she’s in the air — in which case “trial” is inappropriate. “Trial marriage” is simply no marriage at all. As much could be said about common law “marriage.” Marriage entails a legal bond that is publicly attested.)

In a mystery that, like all mysteries, is a commonly experienced reality so very profound as to be beyond explanation, sexual intercourse between a man and a woman not merely expresses such a union but effects it. Scripture’s horror at sexual promiscuity is rooted in its conviction that sexual intimacy is far more than appetite and its relief; sexual intimacy pertains to the binding of two persons to each other, not simply to the linking of body parts. Scripture, of course, concomitantly recognizes the absurd yet sad polygamy/polyandry that promiscuity occasions. For this reason marriage requires an exclusivity apart from which there is no “coupled” unit that simultaneously participates in the inclusivities that God has ordained.

“One flesh” means one, unitary organism of body, mind and spirit. It doesn’t mean that we become clones of each other or mere functions of each other. It doesn’t mean that personality and individuation have been surrendered. Yet neither does it mean that our new union can be likened to two blocks of wood now glued together. For regardless of how tightly glued they might be they never interpenetrate each other. A “one flesh” union, rather, must be likened to a tree-graft. The graft occurs when two living organisms are opened up to each other, are allowed to pervade and suffuse each other, immerse themselves in each other — and thereafter are fused forever. As this occurs a fruitfulness appears that otherwise never would. (Lifelong friendships may appear similar but of course lack crucial features: gender-complementarity, public attestation, legal sanction, and “one flesh” specifically.)

When two trees are grafted together each is first slashed sharply, thereby exposing what was previously hidden and laying bare the innermost substance of each. In this development what each possesses uniquely is made available inimitably to the other. At the same time the slash undeniably renders each tree vulnerable. Plainly, vulnerability is the condition of any union worthy of the description, “one flesh”. If two people are to be married in that union of which our Lord speaks then there must be defenceless openness and self-forgetful self-exposure, together with the sober recognition that the fearsomeness of this rent is the condition of the fusion’s fruitfulness. And at the same time it must be recognized that once a tree-graft has occurred, separation of the parties to the graft is nothing less than dismemberment. Divorce, even when necessary, remains a manifestation of death.

  Everyone’s marriage is molested by sin. Individually and collectively our humanity is distorted by depravities within and dangers without. Then marriage remains resilient, in the face of such depravities and dangers, only as it “borrows from” God’s undiscourageable, undeflectable love for Israel, which love God speaks of as “marriage. Christ himself speaks of his self-renouncing bond with the Church as the model and inspiration of marriage. And since when the faithfulness of the Triune God meets our sin it assumes the form of forgiveness, marriage thrives as we extend a pardon that has been quickened by the greater pardon we’ve already received. We must recall God’s covenant-faithfulness to us whenever our proximity to each other fosters friction and magnifies irritability.

Then marriage endures by self-renouncing faithfulness. The current myth is that it endures by sentiment. Marriage must continue to thrive even on those occasions — whether short-lived or protracted — when two people are feeling less than enraptured.

A corollary to faithfulness is patience. When grass turns brown in the summer sensible people don’t tear up the lawn; they know that in another month the heat will pass and the lawn become green again. Impatience here is not only inappropriate but destructive; it indicates not so much silliness as folly.

   Finally we must remember that while marriage promises what is to be found nowhere else in the creation it cannot provide what it was never meant to; namely, that profoundest contentment found only in God. To expect husband or wife to provide what no human partner can; to expect husband or wife to give what only God supplies is to burden marriage unrealistically.

And we should remember too while unmarried people are deprived of marital intimacy, their deprivation of this creaturely intimacy in no way disadvantages them before God or renders them less usable in his kingdom. Their singleness, offered to God in the spirit of self-renunciation, is a sacrifice he most surely honours.

The truth is, all of us, married and unmarried, always need to hear and heed and cling to him whose burden is light, whose yoke is easy, and whose name is the only name given to us whereby we may be saved.

 

Funeral Address forThe Reverend Mr. Brian Robinson

       Funeral Address

                                                                                                      for

                                                                       The Reverend Mr. Brian Robinson

 

   – I –                                                                        

Earlier this week I arrived home from teaching at Tyndale Seminary, after supper, and Maureen informed me of the death of my friend and fellow-minister, Brian Robinson. I was stunned. Because of the way the intra-psychic grooves are worn in my “noodle” I found myself thinking immediately of the untimely death of George Whitefield, the powerful 18th Century evangelist and colleague of John Wesley. Wesley was born in 1703, Whitefield in 1714. Wesley would die by slipping away quietly, over several days, at the age of 88. Whitefield would die very suddenly of heart trouble at age 56.

Whitefield had crossed the Atlantic thirteen times. The odd number — thirteen — tells you that he died in the New World and was buried there. He went to his reward on September 30, 1770. Because Whitefield died in the New World (Newburyport, Massachusetts) Wesley didn’t learn of his friend’s death until November 10 — six weeks later. Wesley was asked to preach at a memorial service in England; at three of them, in fact.

Finding myself thinking of Wesley’s reaction to the news of Whitefield’s death, I turned up Wesley’s “funeral” sermon (as he called it) for his friend. I was startled, upon reading it again after not having read it for several years, at how much it gathered up exactly what I wanted to say in commemoration of Brian Robinson.

In order to prepare his “funeral” sermon Wesley retreated from his itinerant ministry and secluded himself for a week, writing in his journal, “It was an awful season” — in every sense of “awful.”

The day of the funeral Wesley appeared, sermon in hand, and told the congregation that a major purpose of his address was to “inquire how we may improve (18th Century English for “profit from”) this awful providence, George Whitefield’s sudden removal from us.”

As I re-read Wesley’s address I noted that his depiction of Whitefield fitted Brian Robinson over and over.

[1] Wesley’s first point: although in the pulpit Whitefield didn’t shrink from reminding hearers of the “whole counsel of God,” including the judgement of God, still, said Wesley, “George had nothing gloomy in his nature, being singularly cheerful, as well as charitable and tender-hearted.” Cheerful (I never met Brian when he wasn’t cheerful), charitable, tender-hearted.

[2] “George had a heart susceptible of the most generous and most tender friendship.” I met Brian in 1988, knew him for fifteen years, and counted him a tender, generous friend.

[3] Whitefield’s demeanour was “frank and open,” but not frank with the frankness that is simply rude, said Wesley; yet frank and open so as never to be cunning or false.

[4] Whitefield’s frankness and openness, continued Wesley, were the both the fruit and the proof of his courage. Brian and I stood shoulder to shoulder in the most turbulent days of our denomination, and I noted that Brian never lacked courage.

[5] Whitefield was flexible, insisted Wesley, pliable, accommodating — but “immovable in the things of God”, immovable in matters of “conscience.”

[6] The foundation of George’s “integrity, sincerity, courage and patience” wasn’t his education (although he was educated;) and it wasn’t his friendships (although he benefited from many); rather it was, said Wesley, “no other than faith in a bleeding Lord.”

Having said this much about Whitefield (as I have said in equal measure about Brian), Wesley asked his hearers, “But how shall we improve (profit from) this awful providence?” — and answered, “By keeping close to Whitefield’s doctrines, and by keeping close to Whitefield’s spirit.”

What were Whitefield’s doctrines?

  1. humankind’s total inability to save itself, its total lack of merit by which it would deserve to be saved.
  2. Jesus Christ as the sole meritorious cause of our blessing, “in particular of our pardon and acceptance with God.”
  3. Justification, by which we are given new standing before God and are restored to God’s favour.
  4. The New Birth, by which we are given a new nature from God and are restored to God’s image.

Don’t Whitefield’s doctrines square with Brian’s? They certainly do with the Brian I knew and loved.

Still, said Wesley, if we keep close to Whitefield’s doctrines only we merely increase our condemnation. Therefore we must keep close to Whitefield’s spirit as well. And Whitefield’s spirit, said Wesley, was catholic love. For decades Whitefield had embraced Christians who were zealous for their Lord and his gospel regardless of denominational affiliation. Whitefield was an Anglican, but he was always at home among Presbyterians and Congregationalists and Baptists, at home among any and all who loved their Lord “with love undying”, in the words of Paul. Wesley spoke of Whitefield’s “catholic love” as “that sincere and tender affection which is due to all those who, we have reason to believe, are children of God by faith; in other words, all those in every persuasion who ‘fear God and work righteousness’…of whatever opinion, mode of worship, or congregation.”

Only two weeks ago Brian contacted me concerning his visit to the USA on behalf of the Association of Church Renewal, the organization whose meetings he had attended for years and in which he cherished and was cherished by Christians from every branch of the church catholic.

                                                                          – II –

I met Brian at an early meeting of the community of the Community of Concern in May, 1988, in the wake of the single largest crisis to come upon The United Church of Canada. He won my heart instantly, for Brian knew that conflict, both theological conflict and institutional conflict, couldn’t be avoided however distasteful conflict always is.

If conflict is inevitable for all Christians at some point then the most important matter facing the Christian is the matter of armour. With what are we to arm ourselves? The apostle Paul discusses the armour suitable for Christ’s people in Ephesians 6. The only offensive weapon he mentions is “the sword of the Spirit.” He lists several items of defensive armour, one of which is the “shield of faith.” This shield, he insists, is able to nullify “all the flaming arrows of the evil one.”

In Paul’s day arrows were dipped in tar and then ignited. A soldier without a shield would be skewered and burnt immediately. The apostle knew that life hurls countless “flaming arrows:” we are exquisitely vulnerable creatures. “Flaming arrows”?   We need think only of sudden and intense affliction, protracted illness, crushing disappointment, betrayal, knee-shaking temptation. In all of this faith, and faith alone (i.e., our bond to Jesus Christ in his presence and power) is our defence, our security, our life.

All of us have had to contend with major stress or threat looming at us from one direction only to be speared and seared by something coming from another direction. We weren’t looking for the second assault, didn’t expect it, and weren’t equipped for it on account of our preoccupation with the frontal adversity. Confusion and disorientation — panic even — were soon upon us.

Yet, exclaims the apostle, faith is the shield that nullifies all flaming arrows. He has in mind the Parthian army’s defeat of a Roman army in 53 B.C.E. The Parthians, under General Surenas (a military genius), fired arrows in a high trajectory upon their Roman foes. The Roman soldiers held their shields above their heads while the projectiles rained down upon them — at which point the Parthians fired a second salvo straight ahead, chest high. While their opponents were still reacting to the second salvo, a third, in a high trajectory, fell down on them once again. Their shields couldn’t protect them against attack from two directions simultaneously. Moreover, because all these arrows had been dipped in pitch and then ignited, as soon as an arrow stuck in a shield it set the shield on fire. Attack from above, attack from in front, the soldiers’ protection aflame: they were helpless, and their situation was hopeless. Demoralization soon guaranteed one of the worst military defeats Rome would ever know. With this item of recent history in mind the apostle repeats yet again, “Faith in Jesus Christ is sufficient in the face of all life’s flaming arrows.”

When the apostle spoke of the shield of faith he was drawing even more from his treasure-store of military lore. As a Roman army advanced, each soldier’s shield, carried on the left arm, protected two-thirds of his own body and one-third of the body of the man on his left. Every soldier counted on the man on his right to protect the right-most one-third of his body that would otherwise be fatally exposed. How many people profited from the spiritual protection that Brian’s faith-shield afforded? And what a privilege it was for some of us to afford him the protection we were commissioned to provide.

There is one thing more we need to know about the shield of faith. When the mothers of Sparta sent their sons off to battle their last word was, “Come home with your shield, or come home on it; but don’t come home without it.” If their soldier-son came home without his shield then plainly he had surrendered. In disgrace now, it would be better for him not to come home at all. If, however, he came home with his shield, then he had triumphed gloriously. And if he came home on it, then he had fallen nobly in battle and was now borne home with honour. The same shield that equipped the soldier in life brought him home, with honour, in death. Faith is the shield on which Christ’s soldier is carried home.

 

– III –

When I learned of Brian’s death earlier this week I had been thinking of Easter Sunday and what I was going to say then. Several weeks ago I had decided that I was going to preach on the text from 1st Corinthians 15: “If Christ has not been raised, your faith is futile and you are still in your sins. Then those also who have fallen asleep in Christ have perished… and we are of all men most to be pitied.”

Paul’s logic is faultless. If Christ hasn’t been raised, then death has the last word; death is the last word, for everyone. Romantics may disguise death romantically and pretend any number of silly things about death, but such people are mere romantics: they invent groundless fantasy.

But Christ has been raised from the dead. The trust that you and I have placed in him isn’t misplaced, can’t be misplaced. We can entrust our departed loved one, Brian, to the care and keeping of God who now preserves him as surely as he has preserved his own son.

Christ has been raised from the dead. We are not deluded folk living in an illusion. We live in truth, and will never have to be pitied, let alone pitied above all others.

 

– IV –

Wesley again. At the service where he spoke of his departed friend, Wesley reminded hearers that his own heart had been drawn to Whitefield 35 years earlier as he came to love Whitefield with uncommon affection. Wesley’s terse comment on the love that Whitefield had awakened in him was, “Can anything but love beget love?”

Years earlier Whitefield himself had anticipated his own passing. His remark concerning his own death and that of others was equally pithy and profound: “For the Christian, instant death means instant glory.”

Anticipating both Wesley and Whitefield and all who love Jesus Christ with love undying the apostle Paul had cried, “Be sure to take the shield of faith.”

Faith is still the shield on which the saint is taken home, taken home with honour. And taken home how quickly? “Instant death, instant glory.” And what has brought you and me to this service today? Love. Love for Brian who also loved us. Above all, love for our Lord who first loved us. For — “Can anything but love beget love?”
Victor Shepherd        April 2003

NEW ZEALAND TRIAL

IN THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND
AUCKLAND REGISTRY

                                                                                              CP NO. 183/SW01

BETWEEN     VILIAMI ‘AKAU’OLA

First Plaintiff

AND                VILIAMI PALU

Second Plaintiff

AND               THE PRESIDENT OF THE CONFERENCE OF THE METHODIST CHURCH OF NEW ZEALAND

First Defendant

AND               THE BOARD OF ADMINISTRATION OF THE METHODIST CHURCH OF NEW ZEALAND INCORPORATED

Second Defendant

AND                REVEREND PESETI TUKUTAU

Third Defendant

 

 

OPINION OF VICTOR SHEPHERD

 

 

VALLANT HOOKER & PARTNERS
Barristers & Solicitors
Ponsonby,
Auckland

Solicitor Acting: R J Hooker
PO Box 47 088; DX CP30015, Ponsonby
Ph:   (09) 360 0321
Fax: (09) 3609291

l:\docman\docbase\shepherd.opinion.doc

I, VICTOR SHEPHERD state:-

  1. I was instructed by Counsel for the plaintiffs in these proceedings to provide expert testimony to the court on one of the issues before the Court namely whether  a decision by the conference of the New Zealand Methodist church to admit a person into full connexion as a minister  a person who was a practising homosexual is to alter or change the doctrines of the Methodist Church of New Zealand as found in the standard sermons of John Wesley and his notes on the New Testament. For the reasons set out in this opinion I conclude that the decision of the New Zealand Conference is to change or alter doctrine.
  2. I was provided with the following passages of the Laws and Regulations of the New Zealand Methodist Church :-

“AUTHORITY
1.1       The Conference is the governing body of the Methodist Church of New Zealand and has vested in it final authority on all matters of the
Church.  Its decisions are accordingly final and binding on both Ministry
and Laity.

1.2       Notwithstanding the provisions of Sections 5-1.1  Conference shall have no power:-
(a)        To revoke, alter or change any doctrines of the Church as
contained in the Standard Sermons of John Wesley and his notes on
the New Testament, nor to establish any new doctrine contrary thereto;
(b)       To revoke “The General Rules of the Societies”;
(c)       To make such changes in the discipline as to do away with the
itinerancy of the Ministry;
(d)        To do away with the right of trial and appeal of Members and
Ministers of the Church;”

Property
3.2(h) Seeing that the property in the Parish is not used for
any purpose forbidden by the Laws if the Church or for any purposes,
entertainments or amusements which conflict with the purpose for
which the Church was called into being, or contrary to what is contained in the Standard Sermons of John Wesley and his Notes on the New Testament.”

 

  BACKGROUND & EXPERTISE

  3.    I currently occupy the Donald N. and Kathleen G. Bastian Chair of Wesley Studies, Tyndale Seminary, Toronto . It is the only Chair of Wesley Studies in Canada . At Tyndale Seminary I am also Professor of Historical Theology. I am also Adjunct Professor, Toronto School of Theology, University of Toronto . I attach my full curriculum vitae. I have been accepted by a Court in Canada as an expert witness on the doctrines of the Methodist Church found in the writings of John Wesley.

 

REFERENCES

  1. In formulating my opinion it is necessary to have regard to the following notes sermons and writings of John Wesley:-

ROMANS 1:26-28

Therefore God gave them up with vile affections; for even their women changed their natural use to that which is against nature: (27)And likewise also men, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in their lust toward each other, men with men working filthiness, and receiving in themselves the just recompense of their error. (28)And as they did not like to retain God in their knowledge, God gave them up to an undiscerning mind, to do the things which were not expedient: Filled with all injustice, fornication…….

Wesley comments on Romans 1:26 , “Therefore God gave them up to vile affections—To which the heathen Romans were then abandoned to the last degree; even the emperors themselves.”

Here Wesley is plainly referring to the well-attested fact that several Roman emperors behaved sexually in a way that was not exclusively heterosexual (if at all). Their behaviour was known and noted among Christians in that Christians were notorious for an understanding of human sexuality that repudiated any and all sexual expressions except marital intercourse. Wesley mentions women as well as men, since any non-marital (and therefore non-heterosexual intercourse) was understood throughout the Church as falling outside what God has ordained as proper sexual expression and therefore pertaining to the human good. Note that Wesley speaks of same-gender genital intimacy as “vile” and an instance of “filthiness”(27).

Wesley comments on 1:27 , “Receiving the just recompense of their error—Their idolatry: being punished with that unnatural lust, which was as horrible a dishonour of the body, as their idolatry was to God.”

“Unnatural lust” plainly refers to same-gender sexual craving, and Wesley maintains that it dishonours the body (implying that it thereby dishonours the Creator of that body) and as such dishonours god. Here he associates idolatry with “men with men working filthiness”. “Working” indicates what these men do. In calling it “error” he does not mean that it is non-culpable or a trifle or an inadvertence.

Wesley comments on Romans 1:28 , “God gave them up to an undiscerning mind (treated of, ver.32)to things not expedient–Even the vilest abominations: treated of, ver.20-31.”

Then Wesley continues, in his exposition of 29-31, to list “Every vice contrary to justice”. He mentions fornication first. “Fornication here includes every species of uncleanness.” Plainly the “vile affections”(26) and “that which is against nature”(26) and “men…burned in their lust toward each other, men with men working filthiness” is gathered up in “uncleanness”.

Romans 1:28 he discusses in his comment on Romans 1:32 , “But have pleasure in those that practise them — This is the greatest wickedness. A man may be hurried by his passions to do the things he hates. But he that has pleasure in those that do evil, loves wickedness for wickedness’ sake; and hereby he encourages them in sin, and heaps the guilt of others upon his own head.”

Here Wesley, with pastoral wisdom and sensitivity, distinguishes between the unguarded person whose surge of desire overtakes him in the very thing he knows he should hate and the person who finds pleasure in others who do evil, loves the wickedness itself, thereby encourages perpetrators in their wickedness, and brings the guilt of others upon himself. To be sure, Wesley is not restricting the application of his comment to “uncleanness”, but he certainly includes such “uncleanness”.

– – – –

In his Sermons Wesley amplifies Romans 1:26, wherein same-gender genital intimacy is referred to, “The will…was now seized by legions of vile affections”. [4:298]

ROMANS 2:14

For when the Gentiles, who have not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law, these not having the law, are a law to themselves;

Wesley comments, “Do by nature–That is, without an outward rule; though this also, strictly speaking, is by preventing [i.e., prevenient, anticipatory] grace. The things contained in the law–The ten commandments being only the substance of the law of nature….”

By “Being only the substance of the law of nature” Wesley means “not less than the substance of the law of nature.” (For Wesley’s understanding of relation of the ten commandments to Jesus Christ, see V.Shepherd’s document below.) Wesley is aware that the ten commandments explicitly forbid adultery. He insists too (see V.Shepherd) that the ten commands are but the “heads” of the law of God; i.e., the commandment forbidding adultery comprehends all of the Old Testament precepts pertaining to sexual behaviour, including those that forbid homosexual genital intimacy. (E.g., “You shall not lie with a male as with a woman; it is an abomination.” Leviticus 18:22 RSV) Wesley’s understanding of the ten commandments as but the “heads” of the law or God precludes any suggestion that adultery is forbidden but homosexual intimacy is not.

In his comment on Romans 1:28 Wesley speaks of any and all “uncleanness” as “vilest abominations.” He cannot be understood to endorse or even permit homosexual behaviour.

ROMANS 2:16

In the day when God will judge the secretes of men by Christ Jesus, according to my gospel.

Wesley comments, “According to my gospel–According to the tenor of that gospel which is committed to my care. The gospel also is a law.”

His lattermost remark, “The gospel also is a law”, is crucial. The gospel is the good news of salvation, and as such exercises no less a claim upon people than the explicit claims of the law. Since the gospel aims at saving humankind from every kind of uncleanness, the gospel has the same force here as the promulgation of the law. Accordingly, all references to “gospel” or “Jesus Christ” in the Wesley corpus carry with them the implicit claim that all beneficiaries of the gospel (i.e., all who make a profession of Christian faith) repudiate all expressions of “uncleanness”.

1ST CORINTHIANS 6:9

Know ye not that the unjust shall not inherit the kingdom of God ? Be not deceived: neither fornicators, nor idolators, nor adulterers, nor the effeminate, nor Sodomites.

Here Wesley explicitly mentions sodomy as disqualification for the kingdom of God . To be sure, he reads “effeminate” idiosyncratically as those who “live in any easy, indolent way, taking up no cross, enduring no hardship”. His point is that these latter people are no less disqualified than “idolators and Sodomites”.

He comments on this verse, “But why are these good-natured, harmless people ranked with idolators and Sodomites? To teach us that we are never secure from the greatest sins, till we guard against those which are thought least; nor indeed till we think no sin is little since every one is a step towards hell.”

Evidently he intends here the following: [1] all self-indulgence is sin; [2] only vigilance against lesser sin will safeguard us against the “greatest sins”; [3] every sin is a road whose destination is hell.

Notwithstanding his idiosyncratic reading of “effeminate” he states [1] sodomy is sin, and (among) the “greatest”; [2] lesser and greater alike, undiscerned, unrepented of, unrepudiated will issue in eternal loss.

1ST CORINTHIANS 6:11

And such were some of you: but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of the Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God.

Wesley comments, “And such were some of you: but ye are washed from those gross evils; and inwardly sanctified, not before, but in consequence of, your being justified in the name, that is, by the merits of the Lord Jesus, through which your sins are forgiven; and by the Spirit of our God, by whom ye are thus washed and sanctified.”

Wesley includes adultery and sodomy as “gross evils”. He emphasises, “not before, but in consequence of”, the fact that the cleansing of the sodomite Corinthians presupposes and in fact is intrinsically related to their having been justified (for Wesley, this means pardoned or forgiven). Pardon, of course, always presupposes guilt; forgiveness always presupposes relief from merited condemnation. The person who is pardoned has already been pronounced guilty. In his “through which your sins are forgiven” Wesley obviously includes sodomy as sin.

– – – –

In his Sermons Wesley amplifies 1st Corinthians 6:9, “And we know that not only fornicators and adulterers, but even the ‘soft and effeminate’, the delicate followers of a self-denying master, ‘shall have no part in the kingdom of Christ and of God’.” [3:150]

Elsewhere in the Sermons Wesley, again amplifying the biblical text mentioned above, faults the abuse of “the imputed righteousness of Christ” wherein someone who stands indicted by the catena of sins in 1st Cor. 6:9 claims the righteousness of Christ “as a over for his unrighteousness. We have known this done a thousand times. Such a person “…replies with all assurance, ‘…I pretend to no righteousness of my own: Christ is my righteousness”…. “And thus though a man be as far from the practice as from the tempers [Wesley characteristically uses this word to mean “dispositions’] of a Christian, though he neither has the mind which was in Christ nor in any respect walks as he walks…”. Again, Wesley regards all non-heterosexual expression to be inconsistent with Christian discipleship (“walk”). [1:462]

In speaking of life-change effected in the Corinthians through gospel as they repudiated their former behaviour, Wesley comments in the Sermons, “So the Corinthians were. ‘Ye are washed,’ says the Apostle, ‘ye are sanctified:’ namely cleansed from ‘fornication, idolatry, drunkenness’, and all other outward sin.” Wesley regards what the Corinthians had been about to be sin. [1:326]

1ST TIMOTHY 1:8-10

(8)We know the law is good, if a man use it lawfully; (9)Knowing this , that the law doth no lie against a righteous man; but against the lawless and disobedient, against the ungodly and sinners, the unholy and profane, against killers of their fathers or their mothers, against murderers, (11)Against whoremongers, sodomites, men-stealers, liars, perjured person, and if there be any other thing that is contrary to wholesome doctrine.

In his comment Wesley says nothing about “whoremongers” and “sodomites”, in his taste to denounce the practice of slavery (“men-stealers”). Still, his comment on verse 8 is noteworthy: “We grant the whole Mosaic law is good, answers excellent purposes, if a man use it in a proper manner. The ceremonial is good, as it points to Christ; and the moral law is holy, just and good, and of admirable use to convince unbelievers, and to guide believers in all holiness.” It is to be noted here that [1] the moral law includes the prohibition against sodomy; [2] sodomy is a sign of unbelief; [3] since sodomy is a contradiction of holiness, those aspiring to holiness repudiate it by using the law lawfully. (1:8)

In his comment on 1st Timothy 1:9 Wesley says, “The law doth not lie against a righteous man, (doth not strike or condemn him,)but against the lawless and disobedient — They who despise the authority of the Lawgiver, violate the first commandment, which is the foundation of the law, the ground of all obedience. Against the ungodly and sinners, who break the second commandment, worshipping idols, instead of the true God. The unholy and profane¸ who break the third commandment by taking his name in vain.” Wesley includes sodomy in the “lawless and disobedient”, and he goes on to show that the perpetrators mentioned in 1:10 violate the first three commandments. Sodomy is an instance of lawlessness, disobedience, ungodliness, unholiness and profanity.

In his comment on 1st Timothy 1:11 he insists that the gospel, so far from voiding the law, establishes it. In other words, anyone who claims to be a beneficiary of the gospel (i.e., a Christian) is thereby pledged to uphold the law.

JUDE 7

Even as Sodom and Gomorrah, and the cities about them, which in the same manner with these gave themselves over to fornication, and went after strange flesh, are set forth for an example, suffering the vengeance of eternal fire.

Wesley comments on Jude 7, “The cities who gave themselves over to fornication — The word here means, unnatural lusts: are set forth as an example, suffering the vengeance of eternal fire — The vengeance which they suffered is a type of eternal fire.” “Fornication” means “unnatural lust”. What this denotes is not in doubt in light of his comment on Romans 1. (See above.) The vengeance the cities suffered they suffered inasmuch as God avenged himself; i.e., judgement was rendered and enacted. Prefatory to all of this is Wesley’s comment on Jude 6: “…eternal displeasure toward the same work of his hands…because he ever loveth righteousness and hateth iniquity.”

2ND PETER 2:7-10

And delivered righteous Lot , grieved with the filthy behaviour of the wicked…them that walk after the flesh in the lust of uncleanness.

Wesley translates the Greek word “aselgeia” as “filthy behaviour. Thayer’s Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament puts forward “sensuality”, “indecency”, “vice”. The same Greek word is used in several places, together with similar descriptors: e.g., “uncleanness and wantonness” (Romans 13:13 , Wesley’s translation), “uncleanness, and fornication and lasciviousness” (2nd Corinthians 12:21 , Wesley), and “adultery, fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness” (Galatians 5:19 , Wesley).

– – – –

In Galatians 5:19 Wesley uses “aselgeia” again, and adds in the Sermons concerning this text, “‘They who are of Christ’…abstain from all the works of the flesh: from ‘adultery and fornication’; from ‘uncleanness and lasciviousness’;…from every design, and word, and work to which the corruption of nature leads.” [1:236]

Still amplifying Galatians 5:19 Wesley adds, “It is by him [the Spirit] they are delivered from anger and pride, from all vile and inordinate affections.” Wesley’s use of “vile” here denotes every expression of sexual “uncleanness”.

In his exposition of the Sermon on the Mount Wesley refers to Galatians 5:19 and therein speaks of the Christian, “This is only the outside of that religion which he insatiably hungers after…the being ‘purified as he is pure’ — this is the righteousness he thirsts after.”

REVELATION 22:11,14,15

He that is unrighteous, let him be unrighteous still; and he that is filthy, let him be filthy still….Happy are they that do his commandments, that they may have right to the tree of life, and may enter in by the gates into the city. Without are dogs, and sorcerers, and whoremongers, and murderers, and idolaters, and every one that loveth and maketh a lie.

Wesley speaks of “dogs” as “fierce and rapacious men, even as the term is widely taken, following Old Testament precedent, to mean “homosexual”. It is to be noted that the people spoken of in 22:15 are denied access to the tree of life and are not admitted to the city [the new Jerusalem].

EPHESIANS 4:19

Who being past feeling, have given themselves up to lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness with greediness.

Here Wesley translates “aselgeia” as “lasciviousness” and “akatharsia” as “uncleanness”. Elsewhere in his New Testament Notes Wesley deems “uncleanness” to include sodomy.

 

THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS AS WESLEY’S CURE FOR ANTINOMIAN AND MORALIST ALIKE

See “Appendix 2”

  1. IT should be noted that Wesley dreaded antinomianism (the notion that the moral law had been relaxed for Christians) as he dreaded little else. His denunciation of antinomianism and his caution to Methodists concerning it are found in his Works passim. One particular instance of his concern here is illustrated by his three sermons printed consecutively in his Fifty-two Standard Sermons (numbers 34,35, 36):-

            The Original, Nature, Properties, and Use of the Law,

            The Law Established through Faith, I,

            The Law Established through Faith, II.

Note his insistence in the lattermost tract, “`We establish the law’…when we so preach faith in Christ as not to supersede but produce holiness: to produce all manner of holiness, negative and positive, of the heart and of the life.”(p.38, Volume 2, Wesley’s Works.) It should be noted too that Wesley everywhere regarded “enthusiasm” (the elevation of experience above scripture) as the godless parent of its godless offspring, antinomianism. It is no surprise, then, to see him follow his three sermons on the Law of God with The Nature of Enthusiasm.

It should be noted in this regard that John Wesley explicitly condemned homosexual behaviour in his longest tract, The Doctrine of Original Sin (1757). The “pederasty” of which he spoke includes homosexual sodomy between adult males as well, more specifically, that between adult and juvenile males. In his Notes on the New Testament (one of the standards of Methodism) Wesley comments on the reference to homosexual behaviour in Romans 1:26-27, “Receiving the just recompense of their error — Their idolatry, being punished with that unnatural lust, which was as horrible a dishonour to the body, as their idolatry was to God.” Concerning the “base fellows” of Judges 19:16-30, men who were bent on homosexual indulgence, Wesley, following the English text of the Authorized (King James) Version of the bible, speaks of “sons of belial”, and adds, “Children of the devil, wicked and licentious men.” With respect to Jude 7, “Even as Sodom and Gomorrah , and the cities about them, which in the same manner with these gave themselves over to fornication…” (“the surrounding cities, which likewise acted immorally and indulged in unnatural lust…” RSV), Wesley comments on “fornication”: “The word here means unnatural lusts: are set forth as an example, suffering the vengeance of eternal fire — That is, the vengeance which they suffered is an example or a type of eternal fire.” The passage from the “Holiness Code” of Leviticus (“You shall not lie with a male as with a woman; it is an abomination” — Lev. 18:22 ) Wesley addresses by referring the reader to his comments on Romans 1:26 -27. He does as much with a similar passage in Lev. 20:13. He plainly thought that a point he had made unambivalently once he could make thereafter by referring the reader to it without the bother of rewriting it.   Several points need to be made here:- =

(i)              While Wesley says relatively little about homosexual behaviour, scripture as a whole says only enough to remind readers of what everyone is supposed to know: homosexual behaviour is an abomination to God and is to be shunned by men and women. (Jesus nowhere comments on spouse-abuse. No one would conclude, given the silence of Jesus on this matter, that he was in favour of it. Everything that Jesus says in the course of his earthly ministry militates against it. In other words, the explicit teaching of Jesus himself, together with his endorsement of the wisdom of Israel (he said he came not to abolish the law and the prophets [the Old Testament] but to fulfil them), provides the context that interprets not only what Jesus says but what he does not bother to mention in that it is indisputable. It cannot be imagined that in the primitive Christian communities a spouse-abuser could expect to be exonerated on the grounds that his Lord had not explicitly forbidden it.);

(ii)             In Wesley’s era it would not be contested that homosexual behaviour was immoral, even perverse, falling outside what God pronounces “good”, and therefore to be eschewed;

(iii)            Wesley’s civility and good taste (deemed desirable in an Oxford-educated, 18th century Anglican clergyman) would prevent him from amplifying a matter in which he knew everyone in the church catholic to agree with him in any case;

(iv)            There is nothing in Wesley’s theology or hymns or correspondence that suggests he approved in the slightest or regarded as permissible same-gender genital contact;

(v)             As someone ordained in the Church of England (and as someone whose Holy Orders were neither revoked nor surrendered), and as someone who always insisted that the theology, liturgy and governance of the Church of England were the finest to be found in Christendom, Wesley would unquestionably have rejected as a candidate for ordination or as a leader in local congregations anyone who engaged in homosexual behaviour;

Wesley’s laconic comment must be heard: “I allow no other rule, whether of faith or practice, than the Holy Scriptures.” (Wesley, Works, Vol. XIX, p.73).

 

DATED at Auckland this                 day of                                     2002.

 

……………………………………….

VICTOR SHEPHERD

Eight Canadian Martyrs

Eight Canadian Martyrs

 

Protestants who are quick to defend the Sixteenth-Century Reformation leaders — Luther, Calvin, Zwingli, Bucer, Bullinger, Beza — are equally ready to explain why these theological giants seemed completely unconcerned with mission. The usual explanation is that they were preoccupied with forging doctrine, doctrine that demanded to be re-written in view of some Roman Catholic teaching, at least, that appeared to obscure the gospel.

Everyone today admits that the Church urgently needed reforming. The extent to which doctrinal re-articulation had to match institutional cleansing, however, is a matter of opinion. Beyond dispute is the fact that other “families” within the Church at this time, such as the Anabaptists (whose descendants are Mennonites, Hutterites and Amish people), as well as Roman Catholics whose Counter-Reformation found them as concerned with doctrine as the most zealous Reformer; these groups never allowed controversy to eclipse their conviction concerning their Lord’s mandate. Always aware of Christ’s claim upon them and his command to “Go and make disciples of all the nations”, and newly aided by improvements in navigation, Anabaptist and Catholic went obediently to bear witness to their Lord.

It appears, then, that mainline Protestants can only admit and lament the puzzling blind spot that their Reformation foreparents alone possessed amidst all the parties who staggered through the Reformation’s upheavals. The Mennonites sent missioners into Central and South America. The Roman Catholics sent them everywhere, westward to the Americas and eastward to India, even farther to Japan. Ignatius Loyola, founder of the Jesuit order (“Society of Jesus”), had prepared his men to be the leading edge of the Church’s mission to areas that were always difficult, frequently dangerous, and occasionally lethal.

Just as visions had been crucial in the spiritual formation and vocation of Loyola one hundred years earlier, vision would be no less crucial in the spiritual life of missioner and people, for Jean de Brebeuf was privileged to “see”, one night amidst his comfortable life in France, a flaming cross suspended above the Huron encampment in the New World. Thereafter he never doubted what he was to do or why.

Modern anthropologists think it likely that the Hurons were originally an Iroquois tribe, albeit isolated from the five tribes comprising the Iroquois confederacy: Cayugas, Oneidas, Onanadagas, Senecas and Mohawks. Eventually the Iroquois and Hurons were at war.

When Etienne Brule, the eighteen-year-old who was the first Caucasian to visit the Hurons, came upon them in 1613, they were 30,000-strong. Slaughter at the hands of the Iroquois and devastation through European disease had reduced their number to 12,000 in 1639, the year the Jesuit missions commenced.

Unordained missioners (donnes) who devoted themselves to assisting the Jesuits erected Ste. Marie, the compound consisting of a chapel, a storeroom and a hospital. Soon the gospel radiated from Ste. Marie to four other mission outposts, the farthest, St. Jean de Baptiste, adjacent to Orillia. The work was exacting; the black flies and other pests oppressive; the summers hot and the Georgian Bay winters biting; and of course the threat from the Iroquois relentless. On account of the latter, the trip to Quebec City, the capital of New France, saw paddlers labouring upstream, north to French River, east to the Ottawa, then down the Ottawa and St. Lawrence. A one-way trip took 22 days.

Rene Goupil was the first of the eight Christian martyrs. Trained in medicine and surgery, Goupil withdrew from the Jesuit training program in France on account of his deafness. Offering himself as a lay missionary, he found himself assigned to Huronia. While returning from Quebec City he and his party were overrun at Trois Rivieres. Most of the men perished on the spot. The Iroquois took the remaining few to upstate New York and tortured them for days. A tomahawk ended his life in September, 1642.

The best-known missionary martyrs are Jean de Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant. Born in Normandy in 1593, Brebeuf began studying for the priesthood in Rouen, France. By 1626 he was ministering to aboriginal people in a village on Penetanguishene Bay (Ontario.) On account of treaty disputes between the French and the English he had to return to France, only to find himself, five years later, among the Huron people once again. Blamed for crop failures and Iroquois victories, Brebeuf was beaten repeatedly by the people to whom he had given himself. In March 1649, twelve hundred Iroquois capture the mission station at St. Louis (ten kilometres from Ste. Marie.)

Lalemant, born to the scholarly world of Seventeenth Century Paris, entered the Jesuit novitiate as a teenager and was ordained nine years later in Bourgues. His intellectual brilliance gained him a position as Professor of Philosophy at Moulins. Not content with academic life, however, the slightly built man begged his superiors to send him overseas to join his two uncles, Fathers Jerome and Charles, who were in charge at that time of all Roman Catholic missions in New France. An uncle posted him to Quebec City, eventually succumbing to Lalemant’s importuning and moving him to Huronia. Lalemant had been working alongside Brebeuf for only one month when he too was captured by the same raiding party. Both men were tortured repeatedly, one torment being a “baptism” in boiling water. In March 1649 the two men found release in death. As soon as the Iroquois returned home, French traders gathered up their remains and buried them at Ste. Marie.

None of what has been written above suggests in any way uncommon cruelty among the First Nations People. None of it denies the manner in which Europeans subsequently victimized the native people. It does confirm, nonetheless, a truth that Scripture announces on every page: all humans are alike creatures of the Fall. All are possessed of murderous hearts — as history attests time and again. The martyred missionaries knew something more: all without exception are beneficiaries the One whose outstretched arms embraced eight brave men, and through them embraced without reservation Huron, Iroquois, French, English; all who may now call, “Lord, remember me.”

Victor Shepherd

 

Adolphus Egerton Ryerson

(in  TOUCHSTONE, Sept. 2002)

Adolphus Egerton Ryerson

1803-1882

 

Egerton Ryerson was born March 24, 1803, in Vittoria (near Port Dover, Ontario), one of nine children of Joseph Ryerson and Mehetabel Stickney. His parents were descendants of Dutch Protestants who had wearied of the suffocation born of Europe’s class confinement and craved the opportunities the New World afforded. His oldest New World ancestor, Martin Reyerzoon, had landed in New Amsterdam before the British conquest rendered the settlement New York (1664.) In the wake of the British victory the family name was Anglicized to “Ryerson.” Joseph Ryerson, Egerton’s father, forsook Dutch Calvinism and embraced the Church of England.

In 1815, at the close of the War of 1812, Ryerson’s three older brothers, George, William and John, underwent that precisely demarcated shift “from darkness to light” by which Methodism had come to be identified. Soon the twelve year-old Egerton was listening with similar intensity to Methodist preachers. One such, a former blacksmith, unashamed to be known now as “The Old Hammer”, became the means whereby the youngster’s heart was heated white-hot and forged forever.

Ryerson continued farming and studying until he was eighteen, when he thought he should identify publicly with the movement through which he had been spiritually awakened. His father, upon hearing that Egerton had joined the Methodists, responded swiftly and surely: “Leave them or leave home.” Ryerson left home, supporting himself as a student-teacher in the local grammar school.

Rescinding the expulsion, Ryerson’s father pleaded with his son to return. Egerton’s prompt return indicated that he was now as unembittered and unresentful and as he had earlier been courageous — character traits would mark him throughout the struggle and strife soon to surround him for the rest of his life. Labouring on his father’s farm for one year, he left home for good, this time with Joseph’s blessing.

In August 1824 he began studying Latin and Greek with assistance from a near-by schoolmaster. Then in the midst of protracted, serious illness he found himself “addressed” once again in a manner no less turbulent than his spiritual awakening. This time he acknowledged not a summons to discipleship but a vocation to the ministry. One month later he was astride a horse, itinerating throughout the Niagara Peninsula as a Methodist Probationer. Although his formal education was restricted to a few months of instruction in the Classics, he immersed himself in Locke’s Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Locke was the principal English philosopher of the Enlightenment), Paley’s Moral and Political Philosophy and Blackstone’s Commentaries. (Ironically, the man who was to design and inaugurate public education in Ontario and whose work would be copied throughout the Canadian nation was almost entirely self-taught, and would continue to school himself for the rest of his life.)

Ryerson preached his first sermon in Beamsville, Ontario. (This village has become dear to many United Church clergy and their families on account of its Albright Gardens and Manor, the final earthly residence for ministers who retire without the means to house themselves.) Before long he was minister of the Yonge Street Circuit. The circuit gathered up the people in the triangle whose outermost points were Pickering, Weston and the south shore of Lake Simcoe. It took him a month to visit all the preaching points within it. On a typical Sunday the twenty-two year old Ryerson found himself riding thirty miles, preaching three times, and addressing two classes.

Then there occurred the momentous event that brought him unprecedented opportunity, altered forever his public image and fixed his name in Canadian history. In 1825 Bishop Mountain of Quebec died. Toronto’s Bishop John Strachan preached on the occasion of Mountain’s death, turning the sermon into both a panegyric lauding the rise and riches of the Church of England in Canada and a poniard aimed at the heart of all who declined the denomination, but with especial denunciation reserved for Methodists.

For years Strachan had been the power broker of the Family Compact, the “Compact” consisting of a handful of rich families who exercised a monopoly on business, finance and education. It aimed at petrifying the social stratification that allowed the privileged to exploit the New World’s version of Britain’s class structure, the worst in Europe. Earlier Strachan had candidated for the ministry of the Church of Scotland. Rejected by the Presbyterians, he had turned to the Anglican Church and then had turned on all who didn’t belong to it. Rising to episcopal pre-eminence, he sought to punish any who didn’t’ support the Compact’s constellation of power, piety, prestige and privilege.

Strachan denigrated the Methodist people, faulting them for a putative American origin and accusing them of American leanings. The Methodist clergy, however, he more than denigrated: he ridiculed them, his scurrility stooping to sneer at them as irremediably ignorant in view of their having inflated themselves into preachers when their intellectual mediocrity should have chained them to plough and shop. Following up his sermon with concrete designs to suppress Methodists, Strachan asked the government for exclusive Anglican access to the Clergy Reserves (the Clergy Reserves being land and the income it generated reserved for the sole use of the church), in addition to a large grant, thereby assuring a Britain made nervous by the nation to the south that Upper Canadian Anglicanism was loyal to the crown. In addition, of course, the inequity of withholding from Methodists the right to solemnize marriages as well as to hold title to church buildings, parsonages and cemeteries; this was to be perpetuated.

Methodists were outraged at Strachan’s vilification of their clergy and his accusation of political treachery and his enforced injustice. They looked around for someone to champion them. Ryerson, only twenty-five years old, penned Methodism’s reply. The pseudonymously written “Review of a Sermon, Preached by the Honourable and Reverend John Strachan” appeared in William Lyon Mackenzie’s paper, The Colonial Advocate. Ryerson voiced Methodism’s disgust at the Anglican Church’s political prostitution. Stressing again that he had no complaint with Anglican doctrine or liturgy, Ryerson noted that Strachan appeared unaroused on matters pertaining to the gospel yet implacably vehement and venomous when finances were at stake. Replying to Strachan’s assertion that a Christian nation without an established Church was inherently self-contradictory, Ryerson reminded readers that the gospel had thrived in the hands of the apostles even though the latter had been without state support. As for the “ignorance” of the Methodist clergy, Ryerson listed the books mandated for Methodist candidates for ordination, and recalled John Wesley’s insistence that all Methodist preachers study five hours per day. Concerning the imputation of American origin, Ryerson noted that the Wesleyan Methodists had never known an American root, while by 1825 there were scarcely any in the Methodist Episcopal Church (a denomination that had originated in the United States) who were American-born. He reminded his accusers that his parents had been United Empire Loyalists who had left the Republic out of loyalty to the British Crown. He argued conclusively that Strachan’s sly slander concerning “U.E.L.s” (they were not to be trusted since they might have absorbed unknowingly the worst of republicanism with its rejection of tradition and its elevation of the masses and its affinity for a government that Strachan’s echelon regarded as little more than mob rule); this innuendo was groundless. Methodists weren’t American sympathizers infested with republicanism.

Furthermore, why should the state favour the Church of England when only thirty-one of 235 clergy in Upper Canada were Anglican? George Ryerson, brother to Ryerson, weighed in with his written comment that non-preferential treatment shouldn’t be accorded the “temple of spiritual tyranny.” Father Joseph, now aware of his sons’ role in the dispute, cried, “We are all ruined.” Egerton himself relished none of this, finding that controversy, however necessary, issued in “leanness of soul.” Notwithstanding his fear of spiritual enervation, Ryerson’s gospel-engendered polemics bore incontestable fruit: within four years legislation appeared that permitted Nonconformist denominations to own land and their ministers to marry and baptize. The dissolving of the Clergy Reserves took another twenty-five years, when the land was sold off with revenues returning to the government, most of which were redistributed for education.

Ryerson’s concern to counter the Family Compact’s ascendancy, however, never acidulated his spirit or eclipsed all other aspects and implicates of the gospel. After the Methodist Conference of 1826 in Hamilton, he began living among the aboriginal people on the Credit River. Introduced to Peter Jones at a camp meeting of Mississaugas and Mohawks, Ryerson found a spirit-mate in the young native Methodist preacher who had evangelized his people and whose father (Augustus), like Ryerson’s, had been a United Empire Loyalist and whose mother (Tuhbenahbenahneequay), was an Ojibwa. Able now to elicit the help of the aboriginals who trusted him, and recognized precocious besides (within months he could preach to the people in their language), Ryerson’s linguistic ability saw him commissioned to produce a grammar and lexicon of the Mississauga dialect. Immediately he set himself to raising money to build a school and chapel for the natives. Knowing that the Credit River people could furnish few funds for the project, Ryerson returned to his former circuit and old friends, unashamed, like Wesley before him, to beg from door-to-door for an undertaking whose worth neither he nor they ever doubted. The structure was completed in six weeks. Drawing on his agricultural expertise he convinced the natives that fenced land and cultivated fields produced vastly more than either bartering hand-made goods or hunting and gathering in the wild. Their chief, understanding the restless nature of the Methodist itinerancy, dubbed him “A Bird-on-the-Wing.”

The Anglican hierarchy recognized the young minister’s talent and offered to finance a fine formal education if he consented to honour his vocation within the Church of England. Characteristically neither envying nor toadying, he graciously declined the offer, convinced that only crass opportunism would see him leave the people among whom he had come to know God for the sake of self-advancement. He insisted he believed the “Articles of Religion” of the Methodists; he agreed with their constitution; and he never doubted that they were “church” as depicted in Scripture. Never hostile to the Church of England, he would nevertheless remain immovably opposed to its efforts to get itself “established” (thereby making it an aspect of the state), its attempts at preserving its endowments, and its prerogatives that demeaned those less privileged. (When he came to marry, for instance, he and Hannah Aikman had to travel twenty miles to find a Presbyterian clergyman to preside, Presbyterians from the Church of Scotland being allowed some of the privileges denied all Methodists.)

By now the Methodists knew that they had to have their own journal if they were to forestall fragmentation. The Methodist Conference of 1829 minuted the founding of a weekly paper, the Christian Guardian. (All papers in Upper Canada at this time were weeklies.) Ryerson was elected its first editor. Initially distributing 500 copies, in three years it swelled to 3,000. In no time it was the most widely read paper and the most influential of any in the province. The Guardian gathered up Methodist theological concerns, religious issues in everyday life, discussions of the sort of government the people currently had or ought to have, educational reform (always a priority with Ryerson), as well as practical advice in household economics. (While the Methodists opposed the production and consumption of distilled spirits, one issue at least of the Guardian informed readers of the subtleties of beer-brewing.) The paper eclipsed the official Upper Canada Gazette.

Methodism’s successful venture into journalism expanded into book publishing. The Guardian‘s first editor opened a bookstore, selling chiefly books imported from Britain and the U.S.A. The seed was small yet the yield, as in the parable, unforeseeably huge as the Methodist Book Concern metamorphosed into the largest printing and publishing enterprise in Canada. Its sales of imported books underwrote the publishing and distribution of indigenous writers, among whom were Charles G.D. Roberts and Catherine Parr Traill. Renamed The Ryerson Press in 1919 in honour of its founder, it continued to support the work of Canadian writers, including that of two famous poets, Earle Birney and Louis Dudek. Surviving until 1970, it did much to shape the Canadian identity in the twentieth century through the novelists, poets, biographers and historians whose works it made available across the land.

Ryerson’s contribution to the Canadian people through literature developed into a related contribution through a major academic institution, Victoria College. Bishop Strachan had long campaigned for a charter for “King’s College” (later to become the University of Toronto), replete with Anglican privileges. All its professors, for instance, would have to endorse the Thirty-Nine Articles (Anglicanism’s normative doctrinal statement), while veto power over the institution’s council would rest with the Bishop of Lower Canada (Quebec.) The Methodists countered with their own college, situating it in Cobourg, Ontario, at that time the hub of Methodist strength in the province. (Non-Anglican “dissenters” of Calvinist persuasion supported Ryerson in his efforts to end Anglican hegemony in higher education.) In 1836 the Methodists erected Upper Canada Academy, expanding it into Victoria College (1841) and Victoria University (1865, when faculties of law and medicine were added.) Named Victoria’s first principal, Ryerson announced a curriculum as broad as it was deep. In addition to Classics (a mainstay at any university at this time), he added a science department offering courses in chemistry, mineralogy and geography, as well as new departments of philosophy, rhetoric and modern languages (French and German.) Always eschewing one-sidedness anywhere in life, he insisted that each student pursue a balanced programme of the arts and the sciences.

Indisputably, however, Ryerson became a household name, with churches and streets named after him in scores of cities and towns, on account of his colossal achievement concerning public education. Dismayed to see one-half of school-aged children with no formal education and the remaining half averaging only a year’s, and horrified at the poor training and brutal disposition of what passed for “teacher” in too many villages, Ryerson’s people had mirrored the prophet’s word, “precept upon precept…here a little, there a little” (Isaiah 28: 13) as they had pried open the grip of the Family Compact. Ryerson himself was handed unparalleled opportunity the day he was appointed Chief Superintendent of Common Schools for Canada West in 1844. (A “common” school was the social opposite of the elitist private schools.) He was only forty-one. Two years later he was promoted to Chief Superintendent of Education, an office he occupied for the next thirty years, leaving it only to retire. Ryerson persuaded the provincial government to assume responsibility for education. Soon common schools, aided by government grants, appeared wherever twenty students could be gathered. The arrangement was a quantitative leap over the log cabin schoolhouses whose instructors were frequently minimally literate themselves.

Thinking ill of a British school system that perpetuated the worst class divisiveness in Europe, Ryerson visited Continental common schools in Holland, Italy and France, “bookending” his trip with visits to Germany where he could observe the education system that Philip Melanchthon had implemented 300 years earlier.

Melanchthon (1487-1560) had been the first systematic theologian of the Magisterial Reformation. While Luther had penned theological tracts to respond to exigencies in church and society, Melanchthon had “bottled” Luther’s rich “geysering”, scripting his Loci Communes (“Commonplaces”) into a theological textbook that had seen eighteen Latin editions in a few years, as well as numerous German printings.

Yet Melanchthon had wanted to be relieved of his teaching responsibilities in theology in order to concentrate on the humanities. Superbly trained as a humanist (he was recognized the best Greek scholar in Europe following the death of Desiderius Erasmus), he was enormously gifted as linguist and philologist, yet equally at home in philosophy. He had always maintained there to be no substitute for schooling in the humanities and the sciences. (Physics, said Melanchthon, illustrated the harmony of the creation.)

As early as 1524 (he was then only twenty-seven years old) Melanchthon had begun developing public schools throughout Germany; he had reorganized the universities; he had fashioned the pedagogical methods in which hundreds of teachers were trained; and he had written school textbooks, subsequently used by countless pupils.

Germany’s system of public education seared itself upon Ryerson as holding greater promise for Canada than that of any other European nation. Upon his return to Canada he wooed the provincial government into marrying education and tax revenues, thereby providing free education for all. Of course the rich objected, arguing that they shouldn’t have to support the schooling of their social inferiors. Ryerson triumphed. His free education was soon compulsory as well. In it all he elevated teaching from a miserable job to a calling akin to that of the ordained ministry.

George Brown, editor of Toronto’s Globe newspaper, ranted that Ryerson had imported “Prussian” education into Ontario. Ryerson, cultured where Brown was crude, quietly immersed himself in French literature, having taught himself the language so well that he and the pope had conversed in it during his visit to Italy. (Ryerson was prescient in his awareness that all public figures in Canada would have to be conversant in French. In addition he was aware that everywhere in Europe — and therefore why not in Canada — French was the language of culture. No educated person boasted of being unilingual, and no one who aspired to the world of letters was inept in French. Earlier, while principal of Victoria College, he had taught himself Hebrew.)

Ryerson always knew that the life of the mind was a good in itself. The life of the mind was its own justification. Furthermore, it was his conviction that people are commanded to love God with their minds. While it wasn’t sin to be ignorant, it was sin to be more ignorant than they had to be. And it was sheer wickedness for a society to relegate the relatively disadvantaged to lifelong ignorance.

While Ryerson knew that the life of the mind was an end in itself, he also knew that the life of the mind was useful; it had utilitarian significance. People with greater education in fact could do more of greater social usefulness than those who had been unable to gain adequate education. Ryerson knew, then, that the public good was always served by better quality public education.

He knew something else; namely, education didn’t merely equip people to know more, it expanded the universe in which they lived. Education equipped them to live in a different world, a richer world, a world of greater complexity and greater wonder. Deprived of adequate schooling, people would be confined to a much smaller world outside and a commensurately smaller world inside.

Ryerson knew too that public education was essential to social democracy. Political democracy was relatively easy to achieve: each citizen was given the right to vote. Social democracy, however, occurred when all citizens had equal access to opportunities within a society. Ryerson knew that apart from a vibrant public education, social gains couldn’t be retained. The cruel class stratification, with its “invisible ceilings” that precluded socio-economic mobility and frustrated people in private and public “prisons”, would reappear as surely as Strachan and his supporters wanted it to reappear. Like any nineteenth-century thinker apprised of the French Revolution, Ryerson knew that if public education didn’t thrive and with it the release of resentment engendered by the limitations of the place on the social spectrum where one had been born, then different clusters in the society, now frozen into immobility, would turn inward for support and then turn outward in hostility. His educational vision entailed vastly more than schooling: it entailed a vision for a nation, its people and its future.

Ryerson struggled to give birth to, refine, and expand public education with his second last breath. His last breath, of course, was reserved for what was incomparably dear to him and his educational mentor, Philip Melanchthon. “Next to the gospel“, the multi-talented German reformer had exclaimed, “there is nothing more glorious than humanistic learning, that wonderful gift of God.”

Victor Shepherd, Th.D

Professor of Historical Theology and Chair of Wesley Studies

Tyndale Seminary, Toronto